吕思勉支持扶桑国墨西哥说，他在《中国民族史》论《梁书》关于扶桑国的记载云： “乙祁、对卢之名，皆与高丽同。而婿往女家门外作屋，亦与高丽婿屋之制相类。扶桑必为貉族人之浮海而东者矣。”(《中国民族史》，第131页，中国大百科全书出版社，1987年。)

《三国魏志》卷30东夷传高丽篇：“其俗作婚姻，言语已定，女家作小屋於大屋后，名婿屋，婿暮至女家户外，自名跪拜，乞得就女宿，如是者再三，女父母乃听使就小屋中宿，傍顿钱帛，至生子已长大，乃将妇归家。其俗淫。”

《梁书》的有关记载以前被认为全出自慧深，实为误解。http://ydwq3613.bokee.com/2703970.html
最早的误读见于《通典》。
http://ydwq3613.bokee.com/5135225.html
《梁书》原来明确交待将两位到达扶桑国的沙门的记载合并叙述。本人考定，俩人到的扶桑国一南一北，并非一地。慧深所到当在伊里安岛，无名沙门所到当在东西伯利亚。

错误不少，请勿转抄
批评批判，明示为要

慧深到的扶桑国与女国

一、 扶桑国问题的由来

1752年，法国学者歧尼（金尼、德经，De Guingnes）从中国古文献中得到一个新奇的“发现”。这年8月28日，他写信给在北京的耶稣会士宋君荣（le P.Gaubil），提到他认为《文献通考》中记载的中国南北朝时佛教僧侣慧深到的扶桑国在今墨西哥。1761年，歧尼发表《中国人之美洲海岸航行及住居亚洲远东之民族的研究》。《文献通考》（卷237）的记载本自《南史》、《梁书》等，在中国人来说是再普通不过的史料。而慧深到美洲成为世界交通史的大问题则始于歧尼，引发的争论持续至今。甚至在歧尼文章发表以前，宋君荣在回信中已经作了批驳。

歧尼认为：（1）倭国即日本，倭国东北七千余里，即虾夷人（Aino）所住。其俗鲸面文身，故称文身国。文身国东五千余里，叫大汉国，为现在的堪察加半岛（Kamchatka）。更向东二万余里，地在中国之东，叫做扶桑国，这不得不在北美地方。就所记物产看，大致和北美洲尤其是墨西哥相一致。（2）从日本北海道经千岛，沿堪察加半岛海岸，穿过阿留申群岛（Aleutian），到达北美洲的西北部，就是坐小船也能达到，尤其当海潮有利时。（3）美洲的文化，先从西海岸发达。有许多证据表明受对岸亚洲大陆的影响。

1831年，德国学者克拉卜落特（Klaproth）发表《于中国文献中所载之扶桑国竟被误认为美洲一部之说的研究》。他否认扶桑国美洲说的最大理由是，根据中国文献，扶桑国有马，有葡萄，而美洲并没有这些动植物。他认为，倭国为日本，文身国为虾夷地方，与歧尼相同。但他认为大汉国不在堪察加而为桦太岛（日语库页岛的名字，俄语萨哈林），从倭国经文身国至大汉国，路程是从日本沿北海道西海岸航行，反之从大汉国至扶桑国的路程，则是从北海道沿东海岸南下航行，因此，他将扶桑国定在日本的东南部。

赞成歧尼说的以文宁（Edward P.Vining)影响最大。他1885年出版的《无名的哥伦布或慧深与阿富汗族之佛教团于五世纪发现美洲之证据》，囊括了1761年以来该问题上的重要学说，全书约800页。至今仍有新版发行。文宁以《梁书》的倭国为日本，倭国东北七千余里的文身国为阿留申群岛爱斯基摩人（Eskimo）地方。文身国东五千里为大汉国，为阿拉斯加（Alaska）地方。从阿拉斯加向东（东南）二万余里、当中国（以荆州为中心的中国中部）之东的扶桑国，无论从距离、从方位看，都可推出此地为墨西哥地方。加之《梁书》所栽扶桑国的风俗、物产，大致皆与古代墨西哥相同。

荷兰莱登大学中国语言文学教授希勒格（Gustave Schlegel）曾在1870年《关于中国和日本的纪录和质疑》杂志中建议，搜集散见于中国书籍中所有扶桑一地的材料，以决定扶桑的位置。他于1892年发表《扶桑国考证一篇》。（冯承钧译见《中国史乘中未详诸国考》，1928，商务印书馆）他主张扶桑在桦太岛。由于方法的进步，希氏的桦太说成为墨西哥说反对者中最强大的声音。1

1940年商务印书馆出版朱谦之先生《扶桑国考证》。由扶桑史料的系统及演变的分析入手，认为墨西哥说依据的是正史系统，桦太说主要依据野史系统，如《山海经》、《海外十洲记》等。后者最终演变为以日本为扶桑。结合人、地、事的证明，应否定桦太说，肯定墨西哥说。

中国学者，章太炎、朱谦之、吕思勉和影响最广的马南邨(邓拓)等支持墨西哥说，罗荣渠则对墨西哥说持强烈的批评态度。

我因为对荆楚历史地理的学习，对南北朝以前的计里标准问题多有留心。《梁书·东夷传》记载，从带方郡（平壤、首尔之间）到倭国一万二千余里，大半即七千余里是沿朝鲜半岛海岸线曲折而行。其中的里数标准一直是我心中的一个疑惑。又因为对民族史的特别关注，我经常审视这条史料，2002年，我意识到该传中的女国篇记录了世界珍稀动物——澳洲的鸭嘴兽。进而写成《第一个到达澳洲的中国人——慧深》一文，应邀登发在《学说连线网》上，修改后发表在《武汉学刊》2005年第二期上。我认为慧深称为扶桑国的地方实际上包括多扶桑木的巴布亚新几内亚（伊里安岛，Papua or Irian）和有马、牛、鹿三种力畜的东西伯利亚（Siberia）古貉族人居地，慧深从南、北两个方向对极东进行了实地探查。然而，深入的思考使我意识到，问题远没有解决，特别是当我发现《梁书》的“扶桑国”篇出自两位探险者之手时。今缩小论题，对慧深到的扶桑国和女国作更深入的探讨。

二、关于扶桑和扶桑木的叙述模式

扶桑本是古神话传说中的地方，见于《山海经》等书。其地因为神话中太阳凭以上下的扶桑木得名，因此扶桑作为地名通常泛指东方距中国遥远的地域。

南北朝时北魏在首都置四夷馆，作为安置投附的四夷之人居住之所。《洛阳伽蓝记》卷３“宣阳门外四里”条记载了有关四夷馆的情况。当时南方吴人来附者处金陵馆，北夷来附者处燕然馆，西夷来附者处崦嵫馆，东夷来附者处扶桑馆。这里的扶桑泛指东方所有少数民族以及外国地区。其义即源自日出扶桑，与日落崦嵫相对。南朝齐皇室萧子显在梁时著的《南齐书•东南夷传赞》云：“东夷海外，碣石、扶桑。南域憬远，极泛溟沧。”这里的扶桑与溟沧一样代指距中国遥远的地域，不是实指，其用法与“扶桑馆”的类似。

《梁书•东夷传》记载了具体的扶桑国及其东邻女国。《梁书·东夷传·序》云：“扶桑国，在昔未闻也。普通中（520～527年），有道人称自彼而至，其言原本尤悉，故并录焉。”《传》文云：

扶桑国者，齐永元元年（499年），其国有沙门慧深来至荆州，说云：“扶桑在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东，其土多扶桑木，故以为名。”扶桑叶似桐，而初生如笋，国人食之，实如梨而赤，绩其皮为布以为衣，亦以为绵。作板屋，无城郭。有文字，以扶桑皮为纸。无兵甲，不攻战。其国法，有南北狱。若犯轻者入南狱，重罪者入北狱。有赦则赦南狱，不赦北狱。在北狱者，男女相配，生男八岁为奴，生女九岁为婢。犯罪之身，至死不出。贵人有罪，国乃大会，坐罪人于坑，对之宴饮，分诀若死别焉。以灰绕之，其一重则一身屏退，二重则及子孙，三重则及七世。名国王为乙祁；贵人第一者为大对卢，第二者为小对卢，第三者为纳咄沙。国王行有鼓角导从。其衣色随年改易，甲乙年青，丙丁年赤，戊己年黄，庚辛年白，壬癸年黑。有牛角甚长，以角载物，至胜二十斛。车有马车、牛车、鹿车。国人养鹿，如中国畜牛，以乳为酪。有桑、梨，经年不坏。多蒲桃。其地无铁有铜，不贵金银。市无租估。其婚姻，婿往女家门外作屋，晨夕洒扫，经年而女不悦，即驱之，相悦乃成婚。婚礼大抵与中国同。亲丧，七日不食；祖父母丧，五日不食；兄弟伯叔姑姊妹，三日不食。设灵为神像，朝夕拜奠，不制缞绖。嗣王立，三年不视国事。其俗旧无佛法，宋大明二年(458年)，罽宾国尝有比丘五人至其国，流通佛法、经像，教令出家，风俗遂改。

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，身体有毛，发长委地。至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子。女人胸前无乳，项后生毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，三四年则成人矣。见人惊避，偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。”天监六年（507年），有晋安人渡海，为风所飘至一岛，登岸，有人居止。女则如中国，而言语不可晓；男则人身而狗头，其声如吠。其食有小豆，其衣如布。筑土为墙，其形圆，其户如窦云。

《序》和《传》提到了两个不同的年代。虽然围绕慧深是否到过美洲的争论是长期而广泛的,但迄今为止,未见有人对《梁书·东夷传》有关扶桑国的记录中提到的从扶桑国来的沙门到达中国的两个不同的年代作出解释。

《传》文说：“扶桑国者，齐永元元年（499年），其国有沙门慧深来至荆州”；《序》文说：“扶桑国，在昔未闻也。普通中（520～527年），有道人称自彼而至，其言原本尤悉，故并录焉。”如果这两个年代都说的是慧深到达中国的时间，它们无疑是自相矛盾的。忽视这一矛盾讨论慧深到的扶桑国的位置出现了尖锐对立的不同意见，谁也说服不了谁，或者说每种意见都有严重的缺陷。这就有必要换一角度来审视史料：以往对源于《梁书》的扶桑史料的解读可能正是因为严重的误读才出现意见尖锐对立的现象，而对年代矛盾作出解释有可能揭示症结所在。

忽略年代矛盾不始于歧尼，中国的史学名著《通典》中已然。《通典·边防典二》（卷186）载扶桑国之文云：

扶桑，南齐时闻焉。废帝永元初，其国有沙门慧深来至荆州，说云：扶桑在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东。其土多扶桑木，叶似桐，初生如頾，国人食之。实如梨而赤。绩其皮为布以为衣，亦为锦。……

《通典》省去了《梁书》和《南史》《东夷传·序》中提到的普通中这个年号，这可能对后来的研究者对这一年代的普遍忽视有影响。

回到《梁书》和《南史》，仔细考虑两个年代。如果必须忽略其中的一个，意味着该年代的记录是一个错误 。然而《通典》对被忽略的年代并无说明。对这个年代另作解读是必须的。

同一传的两个年代，一般的理解自然是对两个事件的记载。回到常识，可以看到，原来《梁书》和《南史》讲的本是两位从扶桑国归来的僧人的事。

《序》文说：“扶桑国，在昔未闻也。”《传》文说：“扶桑国者，齐永元元年（499年），其国有沙门慧深来至荆州”。《序》文接着提到：“普通中（520～527年），有道人称自彼而至，其言原本尤悉，故并录焉。”把普通中自称从扶桑国来的僧人理解为慧深之外的另一位无名的探险者，那么势必会对《梁书》的叙事脉络做出同以往截然不同的判断，进而对《传》中提到的人、地、事做出迥异以往的解读。

首先，《序》文的前两句话应理解为对两位探险者所做介绍的提要和特点提示：第一句说的是慧深，指出，慧深是第一个向中国人介绍真实的扶桑国的人；第二句说的是无名僧人（以下简称“无名”），他关于扶桑国的介绍特别详细；第三句话是说明编撰方法：把两个人关于扶桑的介绍合并一起。

旧的解释将全部记载归在慧深一人名下，序文的“故并录焉”，只能理解为：“将慧深的介绍原原本本地全部抄录下来”。果真如此，作为后来研究的最终结果，扶桑国将指向某一特定的位置。然而，自1752年歧尼提出扶桑国在墨西哥以来，歧见叠出，迄无定论。而考虑《梁书》记载出自两人，且两人到的扶桑国可以是两个不同的地方，那么到目前为止，扶桑国定位问题上众说纷纭、莫衷一是的状况可得到一个解释：以前的研究可能都把两处扶桑国解释为一处，因此将永远得不到正解。

扶桑成为遥远东方的代称，是因为日出扶桑这个及其古老的神话。神话认为，太阳经由扶桑木登上天空，扶桑木所处的就是极东。自《离骚》以降，至魏晋南北朝，诗文歌赋中有关扶桑的内容不少。基本上是用日出扶桑之典。较特殊的是托为汉代齐人东方朔著的《十洲记》，其文云：

扶桑在东海之东岸，岸直。陆行登岸一万里，东复有碧海，海广狭浩汗，与东海等。水既不咸苦，正作碧色，甘味香美。扶桑在碧海之中，地方万里，上有太帝宫，太真东王父所治处。地多林木，叶皆如桑，又有椹。树长数千丈，大二千余围。树两两同根偶生，更相依倚，是以名为扶桑。仙人食其椹，一体皆作金光色，飞翔空立。其树虽大，其叶椹故如中夏之桑也。但椹稀而叶赤，九千岁一生实耳。

《十洲记》继承了战国时邹衍的大九州理论，其宇宙模型属于平天说或盖天说，这类模型中，天与地是分离的，没有连通天地，供太阳升降的扶桑、若木存在的余地,另一方面，它也不能象地圆学说那样对东极做出更合理的解释，因此《十洲记》仍然保留了用扶桑和扶桑木神话解释未的现实世界之极东的内容，但为使古神话适应新的宇宙模型对它作了修改，扶桑木不再是太阳由之升上天空的神木，虽然仍处于极东，但已是仙人食用其果的仙树。

在有明确的地球概念以前，由于人类活动能力的有限，东极始终是令人迷茫的，因此不管在哪种宇宙模型下，对东极的描述都未能跳出古来解释性神话的窠臼。论东极必称扶桑，称扶桑必言扶桑木，这在汉字文化圈中已是一种固定的解释模式。

有关东极或扶桑以及扶桑木的描述总的说是推测性的，但是这种推测有其基础，其基础一是对宇宙模型的构想或托为神话的解释性描述，一是沿海居民对东方遥远地区的真实认识。齐鲁、吴越等地的方士无疑对这类知识的系统化起过重大的作用。由于他们的解释有仙话性质，往往显得不严谨，甚至不严肃。但这类著作具有宇宙解释的主旨，又具有部分现实的基础，因而能有力地影响后世的探险实践者和史书著述者对扶桑的论述。亲历东方的探险者，会比一般人更多、更深入地思考东极问题，但取得大的理论突破的可能性仍然受到现实条件的限制，他们将书籍中带幻想性的扶桑木同现实世界的真实植物对照，而对现实植物所做的描述则会有较大的机会改变人们对扶桑木的认识，或使人们对扶桑木的认识更增歧见。

慧深把他所到的他认为此前中国人未曾到过因而不知道的极东边的地方称为“扶桑国”，他具体描述了一种他称为“扶桑木”的植物，说明“扶桑国”是因为其地有众多的这种“扶桑木”而得名的。慧深对扶桑国的介绍完全符合中国历代方士对东极的解说模式，慧深的知识背景无疑是属于汉字文化圈的。从慧深后来居荆州，而且可能把女国的珍稀动物鸭嘴兽带回中国（详后）看，慧深应是中国人。

将《梁书》的记载理解为出自两人，可以看到无名对扶桑国的叙述用的是和慧深同样的模式，也就是中国传统的描述方式。应该说《梁书》作者遵循的也是同一模式。由于游记和史学著作自觉地回避古神话和方士著作中看似怪乱的内容，在一定程度上也就隐掉了他们遵循同一模式叙述扶桑的事实。然而隐含的同一叙述模式，使游历不同地方的两位作者的扶桑国游记表现出许多共同点。另外，他们笔下的扶桑木本来可能是不同的植物，也因两人各自皆以方士著作叙述的扶桑木为摹本，从而使他们认定的扶桑木会有相似之处。同样遵从古籍扶桑叙述模式的历史作家很容易将两处不同的扶桑国和两种不同的扶桑木误为一处和一种。

对古地的定位和解释往往由于后世学者对不同的解释采取调和的做法产生误解，并且越往后误解越大，这在石泉先生荆楚历史地理研究的中心课题之一“古云梦泽故址新探”中可以看到。并且可以看作典型个案。前人记载中关于古云梦泽的地望大致有五说：一是“云杜说”，即《左传》所记鄖国之梦和《禹贡》之“云土梦”，地望在汉、晋时江夏郡云杜县，今汉水中游以东的京山、钟祥二县间；二为“华容-长林说”，又称“巴丘湖”，其前身即《左传》所记“江南之梦”，石先生最费劲的考定之一就在考定华容云梦泽的地望，他认为“江南之梦”的“江”指今蛮河，巴丘、华容、云梦泽都在今钟祥西北境；三是“西陵-安州说”，最早见于《汉书·地理志》，据《寰宇记》记载，北宋初年，安州云梦已缩小到“阔数十里”，南宋前期洪迈的《容斋随笔》中说：“询诸彼人，已不能的指疆域”；四、“洞庭湖说”，唐代前期，文人诗中开始泛指洞庭湖为古云梦泽并对地志书产生了影响，到清初，顾祖禹的《读史方舆纪要》和胡渭的《禹贡锥指》才开始把整个洞庭湖包括在云梦泽中；五“大云梦泽说”，始于《水经注·夏水篇》，把前述云杜、华容、安陆三说联为一体，形成“跨川亘隰，兼包势广”，位于长江以北、跨汉而不跨江的第一个大云梦泽，唐初，孔颖达疏释《禹贡》和《左传》，提出了“云梦跨江南北”之说，后世又以“江南之梦”在长江以南，终于形成了包括两湖平原的大云梦泽说。2

《梁书》作者从传统的扶桑叙述模式出发，看到两位作者描述的扶桑的相似处，就以为两人到的扶桑国为同一地点，从而把两人叙述的扶桑国和扶桑木合并在一起。由于《梁书》作者并不明确两位探险者说的扶桑的具体位置，因此有可能把两处扶桑牵合在了一起。如果两位探险者到的扶桑是两地，这种牵合就是后世对扶桑国的定位歧见叠出的根源。

三、关于扶桑国的定位

克拉卜落特对扶桑国的定位和慧深探险路线的推定是奇怪的。他认为，倭国为日本，文身国为虾夷地方，大汉国为桦太岛，从倭国经文身国至大汉国，路程是从本州沿北海道西海岸航行，反之从大汉国至扶桑国的路程，则是从北海道沿东海岸南下航行。因此，扶桑国在日本的东南部。

克拉卜落特是较早对扶桑国墨西哥说提出驳论而影响深远者。他的论述提示着《梁书》中存在两个独立的叙述过程。其原因一则可以如克拉卜落特所说，慧深记录了两条旅行路线。另一个解释就是如上所揭，《梁书》的记载出自两人之手。

日本的东南部是本州岛；倭国不论在九州还是本州，从倭国前往位于桦太岛的都经由本州。而扶桑国不论在本州还是本州东边或南边的小岛，慧深叙扶桑国时都应该以本州为基点，不应先叙遥远的北海道、桦太，再以桦太为基点叙扶桑国。克拉卜落特的叙述不合常情。

在后一种情况下，只要明确两人到的扶桑国并非一处，就可以肯定《梁书》的编撰方法及其对两位叙述者所到的扶桑国牵合的是引起混乱的根源。后世的各种释读，只要不能突破《梁书》以扶桑为一地的误解，无论如何努力，做到最好时也只能说对一半，而另一半必然成为被其攻击者紧紧抓住的软肋，以至整个论证无一可以自圆其说。

《梁书·东夷传》“扶桑国”篇在论扶桑国的得名和叙扶桑木之后，从“有板屋”以下叙述了扶桑国的居住、文字、 法律、物产、婚丧等各个方面，最后还提到了传入不久的佛教。这段话明白晓畅，没有逻辑混乱、怪诞费解之处，应是出自亲历者的实录，并可能是原本抄录，没有经过加工改造。《序》文说，梁普通中，有道人称自彼而来，他关于扶桑的记载特别详细，这详细的记载应该指这一段。

以往的研究者未能辨别《梁书》“扶桑国篇”本自两个人的著作，也就不会想到《梁书》的扶桑国可能不止一处。扶桑国墨西哥说的反对者中，最有影响的属希勒格的桦太说。现在注意到《梁书》“扶桑国篇”中存在两个作者，墨西哥说理应受到进一步的怀疑。

无名提到扶桑国有牛车、马车、鹿车，在中美洲并没有这三种力畜，而在东西伯利亚地区，它们是最普通的力畜，其中，驯鹿是最重要的供役使动物，鹿奶则是高级饮料，也被制成奶酪，供冬春食用。无名说“国人养鹿，如中国畜牛，以乳为酪”，扶桑国人最重要的奶竟是高级的鹿奶，而不是牛奶。牛奶在中国南方属希罕物，在北方则很普遍，尤其是在北方游牧民族南下中原以后。无名很可能是中国北方人。驯鹿的原产地在外兴安岭和勒拿河上游，无名所描述的扶桑国应在外兴安岭以东的东西伯利亚地区。因为本文重点不在无名所到的扶桑，不做深论。

无名介绍扶桑国有文字后，接着说：“以扶桑皮为纸”，可以断定无名的原文在此之前应该对扶桑木有所交待。从中国介绍扶桑之地的传统模式看，这也是必然的。因此《梁书·东夷传》“扶桑国篇”前文貌似全部属于慧深解释扶桑国得名和描述扶桑木的话中有可能包括无名著作中的语句。也就是说，今本《梁书》留下的解释扶桑国得名和描述扶桑木的话是综合了两人的著述而成。如果两人到的扶桑国为同地，那么这种综合不会引起太大的误解，当然仍然要辨别两人说的扶桑木是不是同一种植物。可是事实不是这样。

主张扶桑国桦太说的希勒格认为，东方朔所说的扶桑就是楮树的别名，理由是中国文献（按：指《梁书》等）所载的扶桑树实，形同楮实，楮实圆而软，作深紫色，与扶桑相同。他引陈槱《负暄野录》云：“扶桑国出芨皮纸。”芨皮纸当即现在日本所谓笹纸（ささがみ），以楮树皮为原料，北海道所出为良。希勒格认为，楮树既然出北海道，也就不难出桦太。3希勒格引仙话性的《十洲记》为证，说明他意识到现实的内容可能以仙话的面目出现，仙话也可以包含着经验的内容。朱谦之关于正史系统和野史系统的区分，未击中希勒格考证中错误之处的要害。无名笔下的扶桑木应有所传承，从他对扶桑国记录的详尽、平实看，他在辨别扶桑木时也应该继承了经验性较强的前人论述。《十洲记》说的“叶皆如桑，又有椹”，“其叶椹故如中夏之桑也”，这些曾为无名所留心，可能性极大。东西伯利亚地区，皮可以造纸、叶椹如桑的植物非楮树莫属。希勒格关于扶桑为楮树的考证是可信的。楮树皮除了用于造纸，其纤维也用来制衣，也可以作棉。因此“扶桑国篇”介绍扶桑国得名和扶桑木的句子中，与详述扶桑国相连的“绩其皮为布以为衣，亦以为棉”也应该写的是楮树。也就是说这两句出自无名，而不是慧深的著作。

希勒格说楮实圆而软，作深紫色，与扶桑相同，则是牵强的。李时珍《本草纲目》描述楮实形如杨梅，非常准确。其形自然不会是如梨而赤。希勒格的牵强是因为对自己考证的楮树的自信，同时却没有想到《梁书》“扶桑国篇”的文字会出自两人之手。他对扶桑和扶桑木的考证有相当合理的部分，但仅限于无名叙述的部分。这一部分却不是出自慧深的著作。其牵强之处的根源在于慧深叙述的扶桑木是另一种植物，慧深说的扶桑国也是另一地。

《传》文“扶桑国者，齐永元元年（499年），其国有沙门慧深来至荆州，说云：‘扶桑在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东，其土多扶桑木，故以为名。’扶桑叶似桐，而初生如笋，国人食之，实如梨而赤，绩其皮为布以为衣，亦以为绵。”这段话的主体应来自慧深的著作，但是，因为前面提到的叙述扶桑的传统模式，无名的著作中也会有同慧深类似的论扶桑国得名以及扶桑木的论述。上面这段文字的编撰者见到两人著作中雷同的部分，以为两人所到的扶桑国为同一地方，而慧深的著作较早，所以叙扶桑国得名时采纳了慧深的字句，但描述扶桑木时，只是简单地把两人的话合在一起，实际上也就是把两种不同的植物硬生生地拼到了一块。而对扶桑国的介绍，因为无名的特别详细，所以全录了无名的著作，但慧深的介绍可能全部被删去了。从慧深对扶桑国的东邻——女国的叙述看，慧深到的扶桑国应是对中国人来说比无名到的貉族地方更加陌生的地方。

《梁书》“扶桑国”篇说：“扶桑国在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东”。这句话是墨西哥说的最主要依据之一。否定墨西哥说的希勒格认为中国人所述扶桑的距离里数不足为凭。4希勒格没有考虑有关里数的计里标准，因此他击中了墨西哥说证据不足的要害，但论据是无力的。

关于中国古代的计里标准问题，石泉先生作出过杰出的开创性的工作，在中国历史地理学上提出了一个亟待解决的基础理论问题。石先生在陈寅恪先生指导下读研究院时，曾把本科毕业论文《春秋吴师入郢地名新释》请陈先生看过，并多次把自己对荆楚历史地理的想法向陈先生请教。陈先生重点指示两点：注意六朝江陵外围诸多城邑之地望；注意古今里的大小与换算问题。5石先生在《楚郢都、秦汉至齐梁江陵城故址新探》一文中有专节探讨古今里数换算问题。先生论定三国至齐梁时，荆楚地区古里与今里之比大约为3﹕1。6

《梁书·东夷传》载，文身国在倭国东北七千余里。大汉国在文身国东五千余里。文身国、大汉国不见于它书记载。不知其立国年代。鉴于《梁书》文身国之右的倭、侏儒等国史料皆出自三国以前，因此对倭与文身、大汉国间里数，必须结合较早的有关倭国的史料进行分析。

《梁书》云，倭去带方万二千余里。《三国魏志·东夷传》（卷30）载：

倭人在带方东南大海之中，依山岛为国邑.……从郡至倭，循海岸水行，历韩国，乍南乍东，到其北岸狗邪韩国，七千余里，始度一海，千余里至对马国。……又南渡一海千余里，名曰瀚海，至一支国，……方可三百里，……又渡一海，千余里至末卢国，……东南陆行五百里，到伊都国，……东南至奴国百里，南至投马国，水行二十日，……南至邪马台国，女王之所都，水行十日，陆行一月。……自郡至女王国万二千余里。

邪马台国究竟在日本什么地方？一说在九州北部，一说在本州的大和（今奈良，）在日本学者中尚无定论。7《三国志》记载的诸国道里详尽而标准统一，显然出自某一时期使团或商团的实录。石泉先生指出：我国古代计里标准“往往因地而异，大小不一，甚至同一地区又有大里小里之别，因此历史上的里数记载，只能就一定时限下、一定地区内的不同城邑之间相对距离作一些比较，借以作为考释地望时的旁证而已。”8在缺少更多其它论证的情况下，就里数而论，邪马台国九州北部说优于大和说。投马国和邪马台国可能隔有明海，因此水路较近而陆路绕行颇远。因为相关里数记载相当详尽，凭以支持九州北部说当可成立。

以同样的计里标准看，倭国东北七千余里的文身国，可以在四国岛，又东五千余里的大汉国应在本州西部。二万里外的扶桑国有可能在库页岛。因此，中国书籍记载的里数不但不象希勒格所说的是不可信的，反而可以作为希勒格之考证的合理性的极好旁证。希勒格没有考虑中国古代的计里标准问题，错过了有力的论据；而他对扶桑木考证的牵强之处，则说明慧深描写的扶桑木应是楮树之外的另一种植物；慧深到的扶桑国也可能另有其地。

四、女国及鸭嘴兽

从《梁书》中析出无名详细介绍扶桑国的文字后，可以发现，慧深关于扶桑国的记载除扶桑木以外实际上已经完全被无名的记载所取代而没有留下具体内容。慧深关于扶桑国得名的论说以及对扶桑木的描写，只是因为被认为是最早亲历扶桑而留下的文字记录，才被作了重点介绍。因为慧深与无名对各自亲历的扶桑之地的介绍都遵循中国传统的介绍模式，主要是叙述模式的相似加上一些可能的巧合，使得史书编撰者误以为两人所到的扶桑为同地。因此《梁书》扶桑国篇中介绍扶桑国得名及描写扶桑木的文字以慧深的著作为主，但孱进了无名著作中的句子，并由编撰者进行过编辑。直接由慧深的文字考证扶桑国和扶桑木看起来比以往更多了困难。对慧深介绍的扶桑国东一千里的女国必须给予更多的注意。

《梁书》女国篇记载的人物极为离奇。这段记载及随后狗头人的传说常被用作证明慧深所说不可信的证据。朱谦之先生认为：“女国虽因慧深而传，然慧深未到此国，仅得自传闻，所以神话与史实相混，只好算作一种传说。”9但他认为女国是存在的，在墨西哥之东，为小安德烈斯群岛中之马尔蒂尼加岛（Martinique）。10把慧深说的女国看作得自传说，从《梁书》以来就是这样理解的了，后来的《南史》、《通典》、《文献通考》等无不如此。《梁书》在女国篇后面加上一段提到天监六年，晋安（今福建省福州市）人到狗头人之地的传闻，实际上是转述了一个广为人知的传说。11这样处理的目的一方面是为了佐证被误解了的慧深介绍的女国这种奇异人类的可信，前史有征，另一方面也表达了作者自己的怀疑。

如果《梁书》“女国篇”原原本本地抄录了慧深的原著，那么慧深的话只能理解为得自传说。但考虑到慧深著作被录入《梁书》中的文字是经过整理的。因此必须考虑慧深的原著是否因为后人的整理而改变了原貌。

《后汉书·东夷列传》（卷85）：

自女王国东度海千余里，至拘奴国，虽皆倭种，而不属女王。自女王国南四千余里，至朱儒国，人长三四尺。自朱儒东南行船一年，至裸国、黑齿国，使驿所传，极于此矣。

《三国志·魏志东夷传》（卷30）：

女王国东渡海千余里，复有国皆倭种。又有侏儒国在其南，人长三四尺，去女王四千余里。又有裸国、黑齿国，复在其东南，船行一年可至。

《梁书·东夷传》：

（倭国）其南有侏儒国，人长四尺。又南有黑齿国、裸国，去倭四千余里，船行可一年至。又西南万里有海人，身黑眼白，裸而丑，其肉美，行者或射而食之。

《梁书》按照唐代的地理知识和计里标准对原书的行文次序加以改动，是以认定原书有错简为前提的。改侏儒国“人长三四尺”为四尺，目的是为了使之接近现实。

《梁书》有按照唐人的知识改动原始文献的做法，因此对于慧深何以在历尽艰险之后主要留下的却只是一个离奇的传说必须多存一个疑问。再次审视《梁书·东夷传》的“女国篇”：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，身体有毛，发长委地。至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子。女人胸前无乳，项后生毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，三四年则成人矣。见人惊避，偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。”

这段文字初看正如朱谦之所指出的象是“神话与史实相混”。但原因不能单单归诸慧深的记载得自传闻，要考虑慧深的实录是否因后人的“整理”，实为窜乱而走了样。如果慧深的描述不是得自传闻，而是实录，那么上面引文中的离奇的描写只能理解为介绍的是女国的一种动物。像入水而任娠在人类是不可解的，但在动物中却不少；百日能行也不是任何人类能做到的。至于“毛中有汁，以乳子”结合前面说的“胸前无乳”，则可以肯定这种动物是主要分布在澳洲大陆东南部和塔斯马尼亚岛的鸭嘴兽，鸭嘴兽是已知的唯一没有的哺乳动物，这种唯一性使我们的判断变得容易。这一判断可以从篇中描写的这种动物的其他特征得到印证。

鸭嘴兽身上有200多个小腺体，所有腺体的导管均汇集于腹部皮肤的一个特定位置敞开，形成乳腺区，母兽孵出幼子后，乳汁象出汗一样从靠毛鞘（即所谓“根白”）的开口处在哺乳区分泌出来，小鸭嘴兽就趴在仰卧的母兽身上舔食。四个月后，幼兽能独立生活，即所谓“一百日能行”。鸭嘴兽的交配在水中进行，通常在十月，也就是南半球的春天，慧深说在二、三月，可能是鸭嘴兽曾被慧深引入中国，繁殖期发生了变化（详后）。交配季节，雄兽常为争夺配偶发生激烈的打斗，交配时，雌兽在前跑，雄兽在后追，经一个多小时的逐偶游戏后，雄兽就用扁嘴轻轻地衔住雌兽的尾巴，在水中缓慢地转圈，进行交尾，此即“竞入水则妊娠”。明确慧深描写了鸭嘴兽这种珍稀动物，同时也明确了慧深到的女国应在澳洲大陆或塔斯马尼亚岛，可以肯定，“女人胸前无乳”中的“女人”二字是把鸭嘴兽理解为奇异人类的文献整理者因为不能正确理解慧深的描写，误以为他得到的文献有错简，在“整理”（实为窜乱）时移至此处的。由于塔斯马尼亚土著女人头发短而卷曲，澳洲大陆东部的土著则以发长著称，由此应可判断，慧深说的女国当在澳洲大陆。澳洲大陆土著与四周的人都很不同，在欧洲人笔下，他们被形容为相貌英俊，慧深说他们“色甚洁白，容貌端正”，应当也是同周围各种人比较而言。在慧深原著中，“女人”二字当在“长发委地”之前。从文献整理者将鸭嘴兽误解为女人的思路出发，可对《梁书》这段被整理过的文字逐步还原：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，身体有毛，[女人]发长委地。至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子。（女人）胸前无乳，项后生毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，三四年则成人矣。见人惊避，偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。”

“一百日能行”后面“三四年则成人矣”对于人类本是不可理解的，所以原来应是写鸭嘴兽的，但经过了改动。原文应是“两年即长成矣”。鸭嘴兽的成熟期为两年，这对人类无论如何说不通，整理者将“两年”改成“三四年”，以求符合实际，人三四岁语言、跑跳、自主进食等功能已具备，说“成人”很勉强地说得通，这种改动在前面提到的侏儒国人身高问题上已经看到过了，然后，“长成”被改成“成人”以便语句顺畅，意思明白。紧接着“见人惊避”，应是描写鸭嘴兽性情胆怯，但“偏畏丈夫”又只能说的是人了。后面的食咸草也写的是人，因为鸭嘴兽是肉食性动物。把明显的描写人和鸭嘴兽的句子分开：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，身体有毛，[女人]发长委地，[偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。]至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子。（女人）胸前无乳，项后生毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，（三四）[两]年则[长]成（人）矣。见人惊避。（偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。）”

澳洲土著背后长毛，这在世界各人种中是非常特殊的。人身体有毛并不罕见，甚至是较普遍的，如胡人多毛为中国人习知。整理者不了解澳洲土著背后生毛的特点，把它理解成奇异“女人”的特点，将“项后生毛”与“身体有毛”做了对调，把它们恢复到原来的位置：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌正，色甚洁白，项后生毛，女人发长委地，偏畏丈夫。食咸草，如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子，胸前无乳，身体有毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，两年则长成矣，见人惊避。”

说人食用一种植物就象禽兽，逻辑不通。慧深介绍了鸭嘴兽，但上面的复原还看不出慧深笔下鸭嘴兽的名字。

鸭嘴兽既像爬行动物，又像哺乳动物，它的扁嘴、扁尾、脚蹼以及卵生，又像鸟类。澳洲土著传说，鸭嘴兽是水老鼠强奸鸭子而生成的，他们无疑注意到了鸭嘴兽是象禽类的哺乳动物，这种观念应该起源甚古，“如禽兽”当是慧深给鸭嘴兽起的中文名字，而且正是土著语言中鸭嘴兽一个名字的直译或意译。

把慧深的著作理解为对澳洲土著和澳洲最有特点的珍稀动物鸭嘴兽的介绍，可将唐人因为对澳洲的无知而错误地对慧深原著进行的整理还原如下：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，（ 身体有毛）[项后生毛]，[女人]发长委地，[偏畏丈夫。食咸草（如禽兽），咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。][有][如禽兽]，至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子，（女人）胸前无乳，（项后生毛）[身体有毛]，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，（三四）[两]年则[长]成（人）矣，见人惊避。（偏畏丈夫。食咸草如禽兽。咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。）”

脱去括弧：

慧深又云：“扶桑东千余里有女国，容貌端正，色甚洁白，项后生毛，女人发长委地，偏畏丈夫。食咸草，咸草叶似邪蒿，而气香味咸。有如禽兽，至二、三月，竞入水则任娠，六七月产子，胸前无乳，身体有毛，根白，毛中有汁，以乳子，一百日能行，两年则长成矣，见人惊避。”

我对鸭嘴兽的考证经由网络得到过非常有力的证据的支持。网友96nn（纪楠楠先生）看到齐东野人转载的我首发在《学说连线网》上的《第一个到达澳洲的中国人——慧深》一文后，想起以前看到过的介绍南北朝时鸭嘴兽玉雕的文章（附有玉雕照片），特地传上网络。12玉雕收藏人杜心先生说这件古玉的制造年代是公元五、六世纪的南北朝时期13。慧深从他说的扶桑国到荆州的时间正是五世纪末。历史时期中国与澳洲之间的交往非常有限，中国的知识阶层中到过澳洲的可能绝无仅有，在儒家占主流的中国知识阶层中，能不辞艰险，犯死远游的恐怕只限于佛教僧侣和道家方士了。由“复原”后慧深对如禽兽（鸭嘴兽）的介绍看，慧深对鸭嘴兽的生活特性描写得非常准确，而且象哺乳、幼兽成长过程等细节如果不是亲自养过鸭嘴兽，仅凭对处于自然状态下的鸭嘴兽的观察是无法了解得这么详细的。前面提到慧深说鸭嘴兽的繁殖期在二三月，有可能是因为慧深到中国时带了种兽，它们的繁殖期在中国发生了变化。这一推断也将有助于解决慧深的国籍这一相关研究领域内的焦点问题。

鸭嘴兽独特的生活特性使他成为澳洲最吸引人的动物，它对经典动物分类体系的挑战尤其会吸引有科学探索精神的学者的注意。能得到这样的动物，任何学者都会视同珍宝。慧深考察女国后下一步的目的地应是故国，如衣锦而归乡。而且鸭嘴兽是极难人工饲养的动物，慧深也需要为鸭嘴兽提供一个安定的环境。因此慧深应该是中国僧人。

女国在澳大利亚，那么其西千余里且靠近澳洲大陆东部的扶桑国应在巴布亚新几内亚（伊利安岛）。

五、若干相关问题

1、《梁书》倭国的位置

《梁书·东夷传》云：“扶桑国者，齐永元元年（499年），其国有沙门慧深来至荆州，说云：‘扶桑在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东，其土多扶桑木，故以为名。’扶桑叶似桐，而初生如笋，国人食之，实如梨而赤……”以往把《梁书》扶桑国篇理解为出自慧深一人之手，则“扶桑在大汉国东二万余里，地在中国之东”，显得叠床架屋，语句重复。大汉国为倭种之国当无疑义，慧深到的扶桑国既在巴布亚新几内亚，似不应以大汉国为比照。这句应是无名的话，应是《梁书》作者或其前的人将慧深与无名到的扶桑国误为同地而孱进了慧深的话中。“地在中国之东”应是慧深的话，“东”下可能阙“南”字。《梁书·东夷传》说倭国“大抵在会稽之东”，与此前史书说的倭在韩国或带方郡东南的说法都不同。14《梁书》的特殊说法可能仍然是因为受困于慧深说的扶桑国的方位。慧深著作中当有扶桑国在中国或会稽东（南）的叙述，与无名说的扶桑国在倭国、文身国、大汉国东（北）的说法不合，《梁书》模糊地把倭国定在会稽之东似乎是为了牵合慧深和无名对扶桑国位置的不同说法。

2、 鸭嘴兽的特性和南半球问题

唐代整理者对慧深描写的女国无法正确理解，因此到史籍中寻找答案。《三国志·魏书·东夷传》：“有一国亦在海中，纯妇无男。” 《后汉书·东夷传》：“海中有女国，无男人。或传其国有神井，窥之辄生子云。”而《山海经·海外西经》云：“女子国在巫咸北，两女子居，水周之。”郭璞注曰：“有黄池，妇人入浴，出即怀妊矣。若生男子，三岁辄死。”郭璞的话同慧深说鸭嘴兽的“至二、三月，竞入水则妊娠”相巧合，这应是整理者将慧深笔下女国的动物鸭嘴兽解为史传记载传说中女国奇异人类的关键。

然而整理者对慧深原著的最坚定的怀疑一直非常肯定地认定他看到的文件有错简并完全根据自己从书本得到的对女国的认识对慧深原著文字大胆改动，则导因于鸭嘴兽最令人费解的“不合规律”的特性。慧深说如禽兽（鸭嘴兽）六七月产子，“子”字原本和梁武帝在围城中手自点数的鸡子的“子”一样解为卵。《庄子·知北游》说：“九窍者胎生，八窍者卵生”，成玄英疏:“人兽九窍而胎生,禽鱼八窍而卵生。”其说也见于后世儒、道著作。15佛教著作把动物按孕育方式分为卵生、胎生、湿生、化生。慧深对鸭嘴兽是卵生的兽类这一特点必然有说明，不了解事实而认为古来有关卵生胎生的分别为规律的人，如果不是象玉雕作者那样亲眼见过，几乎不可能接受慧深的“违背规律”的解释，正如恩格斯也曾在这个问题上犯错误一样。可惜古人几乎没有机会改正错误。出于旧的对卵生胎生的规律性认识，整理者对把慧深关于鸭嘴兽的介绍看作是女国传说的记录并认为有错简充满了自信。在整理的过程中，慧深关于鸭嘴兽卵生而哺乳的深入说明因为不为整理者所理解，被作了删节。

同样因为“不合规律”而被做了删节的应该还有慧深对南半球气候的说明。

鸭嘴兽的繁殖期在澳洲大陆南北有一定差异。北部在八月，南部则在十月。交配后十余天产卵。根据前面对《梁书》“女国篇”中慧深著录的修复，慧深说鸭嘴兽“六、七月生子”，可知其繁殖期相当于现在公历的8、9月 ，因此慧深应该到了澳洲的（东）北部，有可能到达中部。“二、三月，竞入水则妊娠”说的交配时间应该是鸭嘴兽到达中国以后的情况。假设慧深带鸭嘴兽到中国后，居住地的纬度同他获取所带鸭嘴兽的地方相同，鸭嘴兽的繁殖期可能与澳洲的原生地正好差6个月，也就是在一、二月。迁入地的繁殖期后延一个月，当是因为慧深定居的荆州（旧说在湖北省江陵县，新说在湖北宜城县南境16）比他所带鸭嘴兽的原生地在纬度上偏高。慧深带到中国的鸭嘴兽最大的可能是取自澳洲大陆的东北部。

慧深原著中对中国和女国气候的相反必然也有所论述。可惜也被认北方为玄天，南方为炎天为规律的整理者视为异端而被删除了。

慧深并有可能对宇宙模型有新的认识，在既有的各种宇宙模型的基础上有所突破。慧深没有把更东边的澳大利亚，即女国称为“扶桑国”，而称巴布亚新几内亚为“扶桑国”，当是因为描述澳大利亚涉及了如何理解和解释南半球的困难。慧深至少意识到了既有的宇宙模型不足以解释女国的气候现象。

但唐人对佛教构想的宇宙模型普遍轻视。《通典·边防典序》（卷185）李淳风云：“唯释氏一家论天地日月，怪诞不可知也。”这种轻视可能也影响了《梁书》作者或更早的《梁书》中慧深这段文字的编撰者，成为他（们）忽视慧深的基于实践的新认识的因素之一。

3、 关于扶桑木

慧深到的扶桑国在巴布亚新几内亚，慧深说的扶桑木应该是一种热带植物。韩昇认为：“象南方的槟榔一类植物，但差异也不小。”17周策纵认为是榕树。18

在析出无名著作中的句子后，《梁书》中慧深对扶桑木的描写只剩“扶桑叶似桐，而初生如笋，国人食之，实如梨而赤”这点有限的信息。槟榔和榕树都有“实如梨而赤”的。榕树中有一种无花果树，属桑科，叶子形状与桐树叶以及有丫杈的桑叶相似。说扶桑木叶子初生如笋，则更可能是其生长点被称为“半天笋”的槟榔。但是《通典》“笋”字作“頾”，即“髭”。植物各种组织中能让人联想到胡须的，首先自然是根须。《梁书》留下的慧深的文字脱漏太甚，慧深的原意有可能是形容榕树的气根。

《唐大和上东征传》载，鉴真到崖州，“大使已下，至于典正，作番供养众僧，大使自手行食，将优昙钵树叶以充生菜，复将优昙钵子供养众僧，乃云：‘大和上知否，此是优昙钵树子。此树有子无华，弟子得遇大和上，如优昙钵华，甚难值遇。’其叶赤色，圆一尺余。子色紫丹，气味甜美。”这种“子色紫丹”的无花果树，叶子可以做生菜。慧深所谓的扶桑木也许是这一类的无花果树。

4、 慧深到达澳洲的条件

四至六世纪我国“五胡十六国”时代是是一个各方交流、民族融合的时代，也是历史气候的寒冷期。寒冷的气候促使北方游牧民族南下中原，中原汉族南下浙闽湖广。陈桥驿先生在研究《水经注》的过程中把公元四至六世纪的民族大迁徙总结为“地理大交流”。19但同时沿海居民也更多迁移海外，因为这种迁移很少在历史记载中留下痕迹而被忽视。应该说海上迁移构成了更大范围的地理交流。

地理大交流的结果之一是中国地理学的大发展。参与交流者都面临新的自然地理环境和人文地理环境。新旧地理环境构成了他们现实生活和思想上的强烈对比，扩大了人们的眼界，丰富了他们的地理知识。一大批的地理学著作也因此诞生。如果说《水经注》是地理学发展的高峰，慧深和无名的扶桑探险就是与地理学发展相伴的地理发现的高峰。也可以说彗深到达澳洲是更大范围地理交流的结果。彗深和无名的远游，动机之一是是对地理知识的兴趣。中国地理学的大发展为追求地理兴趣营造了氛围，也准备了知识。

长期的寒冷气候使地球冰川面积的大幅度增加，更多屿露出水面，适合人类居住的岛屿增多，人烟稀少的小岛因为面积增大而人口增长。航海知识的丰富更多地得益于海上人类活动的空前频繁，后者又得益于海面地物的增多和持续数世纪的航海经验的积累。海上活动的频繁还使人们通过口耳相传得以有更多的机会了解原先一无所知的遥远地域。这些都是慧深和无名僧人远行的现实基础。

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1 以上参见朱谦之《扶桑国考证》，商务印书馆，1940年。
2 石泉：《古代荆楚地理新探·自序》，第２9-３5页，武汉大学出版社，１990；石泉、蔡述明：《古云梦泽研究》，湖北教育出版社，1996。
3 参阅朱谦之：《扶桑国考证》第29页，商务印书馆，1940。
4 参阅朱谦之：《扶桑国考证》第28页，商务印书馆，1940。
5 石泉：《古代荆楚地理新探·自序》，第16页，武汉大学出版社，1990年。
6 石泉：《古代荆楚地理新探》，第464～467页。关于先生的论定，我也找了一些旁证。如唐一行作的大地测量，得出从滑县到上蔡的距离是５２６．９里，日影已差２．１寸，即相距２５１里，影长差１寸，一次用实测推翻了长期奉为经典的日影长度千里差一寸的说法。他们进一步比较数据，发现影差和南北距离的关系根本不是常数，于是改用北极高度的差来计算，从而得出地上南北相差３５１．２７里，北极高度相差１度的结论。如果一行测量时用的方法与此前的方法没有本质不同，关于旧经典数据和一行数据如此巨大的差距就必须考虑不同时代的计里标准问题。三国吴徐整《三五历纪》云：“ 天地浑沌如鸡子。盘古生在其中。万八千岁。天地开辟。阳清为天。阴浊为地。盘古在其中。一日九变。神于天。圣于地。天日高一丈。地日厚一丈。盘古日长一丈。如此万八千岁。天数极高。地数极深。盘古极长。故天去地九万里。后乃有三皇。”
取18000×365丈=90000里
1里=73丈
1丈=10尺
1尺=0.2米或1尺=0.25米
则1里=146米或1里=182.5米
这里的数据表明三国时至少吴国境内的3里约当今1里,与石先生的考证竟如此吻合。
7 参阅王仲荦：《魏晋南北朝史》，第659页，上海人民出版社，2003。
8 石泉：《古代荆楚地理新探》，第465页，武汉大学出版社，1990年。
9 朱谦之：《扶桑国考证》第68页。
10同上，第74页。
11《山海经• 海内北经》“犬封国”下郭璞注：“昔盘瓠杀戎王，高辛以美女妻之，不可以训，乃浮之会稽东南海中，得三百里地封之，生男为狗，女为美人，是为狗封之民也。”稍后于郭璞的干宝的《晋纪》和《搜神记》、南朝宋时范晔的《后汉书》有更祥记载。
12 图片原发于《塞爱维·文明联盟网》，原址为：http://www.civclub.net/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=4900&extra=page%3D1&page=1 后因故删除。现于此地址可见：http://ydwq3613.blogchina.com/3034248.html
13 张庆麟：《我国南北朝时有鸭嘴兽吗？》，载《化石》1998年第2期。
14 《后汉书》卷85《东夷列传》：“倭在韩东南大海中，依山岛为居，凡百余国。”《三国志》卷30《魏志·东夷传》：“倭人在带方东南大海中，依山岛为国邑。”《晋书》卷《东夷列传》“倭人再带方东南大海中，依山岛为国。”《宋书》卷97《夷蛮列传》：“倭国在高骊东南大海中，世修贡职。”《南齐书》卷58《东南夷列传》：“倭国，再带方东南大海岛中。” 《后汉书》卷85《东夷列传》：“倭在韩东南大海中，依山岛为居，凡百余国。”《三国志》卷30《魏志·东夷传》：“倭人在带方东南大海中，依山岛为国邑。”《晋书》卷《东夷列传》“倭人再带方东南大海中，依山岛为国。”《宋书》卷97《夷蛮列传》：“倭国在高骊东南大海中，世修贡职。”《南齐书》卷58《东南夷列传》：“倭国，在带方东南大海岛中。”
15 《大戴礼记》《易本命篇第八十一》：“龁吞者八窍而卵生；龃[齿+爵]者九窍而胎生。”又见《孔子家语》卷6《执辔》第二十五。《淮南子》卷4《地形篇》:“啮吞者八窍而卵生，嚼咽者九窍而胎生。”
16 石泉：《古代荆楚地理新探》，武汉大学出版社，1990。
17 韩昇《佛教初传日本年代考》， http://www.macau-buddhism.org/28/28-7f.htm
18 周策纵《扶桑为榕树考》，见《学术集林》卷十一，上海远东出版社，1997。
19 参阅陈桥驿：《地理大交流——公元四世纪到六世纪的历史新解》，《民族团结》1995年第8期

译文不当错误之处，请批评指正，不胜感激。

From PRIMITIVE MARRIAGE: An Inquiry into the Origin of the Form of Capture in Marriage Ceremonies. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1865.

by:

JOHN F. McLENNAN

约翰.弗格森.麦克伦南

Chapter 4: On the Prevalence of the Practice of Capturing Wives, de facto

第四章：猎妻习惯的流行，其事实

The tribes amongst which prevails or has prevailed, the practice of getting wives by theft or force, are both numerous and widely distributed. We shall find them in America, in Australia, in New Zealand, in many of the islands of the Pacific, and in various parts of Asia and Europe.
那些流行或曾经流行窃取或抢夺妻子之俗的部落数量众多且分布广泛。我们将在美洲、澳大利亚、新西兰，在众多的太平洋岛屿，在亚洲和欧洲的多个部分看到它们。
It is among the tribes of American Indians that the practice to be found in the greatest perfection. In particular, we find it fully displayed on the Orinoco, on the Amazons, everywhere in fact, from the Carribbean Sea to Cape Horn. The abject Fuegians, as we have seen, have the practice in a modified or symbolized form in the marriages of men and women belonging to groups at peace with one another. But they have the reality as well as the fiction. Between many of their tribes there is a chronice state of war. “Strangers,” reported Jemmy Button to Captain Fitzroy on one occasion, “had been there, with whom he and his people had ‘very much jaw;’ they fought, threw ‘great many stone,’ and stole two women (in exchange for whom Jemmy’s party stole one), but where obliged to retreat.” The Horse Indians of Patagonia also, tribe against tribe, are commonly at war with one another, or with the Canoe Indians, the issues of victory in every case, being the capture of women and the slaughter of men. But the Oens or Coin men would appear to be the most systematic of these savage marauders, for every year at the time of the “red leaf” they are said to make excursions from the mountains in the north to plunder the Fuegians of their women, dogs, and arms. Father north still than the Oens men, we come successively on the tribes of the Amazons and of the Orinoco, all of which , excepting those reduced into missions, are continually at feud with one another and in turns rich in women or impoverished; feelings of mutual hate and desire for means of subsistence being concurring causes of war. Of the tribes on the Amazons that accounts are not very distinct; but the habits of the Manaos in the Rio Negro district- which, as reported by Mr. Bates, are similar to those of the Coin-men- may be assumed not to be exceptional. There is no doubt, however, that the primitive habits of most of the Indian tribes have been much changed by the slave-hunting xpeditions, at one time fostered by the Dutch and Portuguese. On slave-hunting being introduced in America, as in Africa, a market was found for captives of both sexes, and men as well as women became spoils of victory. No argument is needed to show that when women are systematically captured as in the above cited cases, they are captured with a view to the raising of children-in fact, with a view to their performing the part of wives. The fullness of the idea of a wife, according to our conceptions, is not, we need scarcely say, to be looked for amongst savages. That idea can nowhere be fully realized till the circumstances of a people enable men and women to enjoy, or at least to look forward with confidence to a permanent consortship.
这种习俗最完整的发现是在美洲印第安人部落中间。特别是在奥里诺科河流域、亚马逊河流域，实际上是从加勒比海到合恩角的每个地方，我们看到它最充分地展现。在凄苦的火地岛，如我们所看到的，在那和平相处的人群的男女们的婚姻中，有着这种习俗的修正的或象征性的形式。然而它们具有真实性如同具有虚构性一样。 在他们的许多部落中间有一种持久战状态的战争。“陌生人们”， 据Jemmy Button 一次向菲茨罗伊船长报告，“在那儿，他和他的人与之'激烈争辩';他们挑起战斗，扔‘大量的石头’，然后他们偷走了两个女人（以抵兑Jemmy的部人偷的一个），但被迫撤退了。”巴塔哥尼亚的马印第安人，也是部落对抗部落，彼此战争是普遍的，至于独木舟印第安人，每次胜利的战事的话题都是俘获女人和屠杀男人。但是Oens 人或硬币人（Coin man）将表现出是这些野蛮的掠夺者中最有系统性的，因为他们每一年在他们说的“红叶”时节从北部的山地出发去抢劫火地岛的女人、狗和武器。更北的也象Oens人，我们继续来看亚马逊河与奥里诺科河的部落，所有部落，除那些减少为特殊职能的以外，都不断地处于变得女人宽裕或短缺的相互长期斗争中；互相憎恨的情绪和对生存条件的渴望，同是战争的诱因。有关亚马逊河那些部落的记录不是很清楚；但在利奥尼格鲁地区马瑙斯的部落——据贝茨先生报告，与那些硬币人相似——可以被假定并不例外。毫无疑问，在荷兰人和葡萄牙人规劝下，大部分印第安人部落原始习俗的猎头远征多少发生了变化。当猎头在美洲被介绍时，一个两性俘虏市场在非洲被发现，男人就像女人一样成为战利品。无须争辩来说明女人被系统地捕掠，象在上面提到的案例中那样，她们被捕是出于增加孩子的目的，实际上出于把她们当作妻子的目的。依照我们的概念，成熟的妻子的观念，无须赘言，不是到奴隶中间寻找妻子。这样的观念无论何地都无法被充分认识，直到人们的境况使男人和女人能享受，或至少有信心寻求永久的配偶。
Of the tribes of the great Caribbean nation we have happily a pretty full account from the pen of Alexander Von Humboldt. The Caribbees fall into small tribes or family groups, often not numbering more than from 40 to 50 persons; Humboldt, indeed, takes frequent occasion to say that an Indian tribe is no more than a family. Where groups break up into sections, as they tend to do, and live apart from one another, the sections are found, though of one blood, and originally of one language, soon to speak dialects so different that they cannot understand one another. Become strangers, they are enemies except when forced to unite to make common cause against some powerful tribe which has proved a scourage to them all; enemies, and being at least at the time when Humboldt wrote, cannibals, not only disposed to slay but to eat one another. In their wars, we may imagine, that while their male captives furnished means of subsistence, the women were preserved to be wives of luxury. To such an extent, indeed, did all the tribes of the Caribbean nation practice the capture of women- depend in aggression for their wives- that the women of any tribe were found to belong to different tribes, and to tribes of other nations, and that to such an extent, that nowhere were the men and women of the Caribbean race found to speak in one tongue.
关于大加勒比海国家的部落我们幸而有来自作家亚历山大.冯.洪堡的漂亮完备的记录。加勒比人分成小的部落或家族集团，通常不超过四五十人；洪堡甚至在多个场合说一个印第安人部落只是一个家族。什么地方人群象他们倾向于做的那样分成支系，并且彼此分离居住，支系就被发现，即使属于同一血统，并源于同一语言，很快就说着如此不同的方言以至彼此不能理解。变成陌生人，他们就是敌人，除非当他们出于共同的原因被迫联合以反对某一强大的被证明同是他们的祸水的部落时；至少在洪堡写作的时候，敌人并且还是食人者，不仅倾向于彼此杀戮还彼此吃掉。在他们的战争中，我们可以设想，当他们的男性俘虏提供生活资料时，女性俘虏被保留当作作为奢侈品的妻子。达到这样的程度，正因为加勒比海民族的所有部落实行捕掠妇女——依靠为了获得他们的妻子的侵略——所以任何部落的妇女被发现属于不同的部落，且属于其他民族的部落，而且达到这样的程度，没有一个加勒比海人种地方的男人和女人被发现操同一语言。

按：在景颇族中，相当多的家庭是由不同支系的人组成的。家庭成员在什么情况下使用何种语言，有传统的习惯；父亲和子女使用父亲支系的语言。夫妻之间尽管都能较好地掌握对方的语言，但彼此交谈仍是各说各的话，而决不放弃使用本支系语言的习惯。子女与父亲说话，或兄弟姐妹间说话，都使用父亲支系的语言， 若子女与母亲说话，则改用母亲支系的语言。要是祖母是另一个支系的，晚辈与她说话又得使用祖母支系的语言。不同的支系的青年男女恋爱叙衷肠时，男子往往主 动使用女子支系的语言，以示爱慕之心。一旦他们结了婚，又各自恢复使用本支系的语言。在学校里，哪个支系的学生多就使用哪种语言。
Going northwards- to the wild Indians everywhere, as far as we follow them, the same account is applicable in varying degrees. It would indeed be misleading to omit to notice that in both North and South America tribes are to be found occupying much more elevated platforms of civility than those to which, for obvious reasons, we have given our attention. As among friendly groups of the Fuegians we find marriages of consent and of purchase (by labour commonly), so also among friendly Patagonians; so also with the nations of the Huron tongue and the Attakapas, among whom the position of the women is exceedingly good. Indeed, all the processes have been going on through which every species of marriage would in time be developed. Even the red of America are far from being primitive. A really primitive people in fact exists nowhere. For many thousands of years now, the various races of men have been in the school of experiences, all making progress therein, though under different masters and in different forms. Hereafter we shall see how the old law of the red men, and of the natives of Australia, which counts blood relationship through females only, operates as an agent of civilization, and tends to supersede the barbarous practices of early savagery, and especially to obviate the necessity of capturing wives.
往北面——对于每个地方的野蛮印第安人，不管我们追寻到多远，同样的说明在不同程度上是适用的。比起那些出于显而易见的原因我们已经给以关注的部落，无论北美和南美的部落都被发现具有高得多的礼仪水平，忽视对这一点的注意，确是易于产生误解的。在友好的火地岛族群中我们发现了自愿的结婚和购买婚姻（通常用劳役），在友好的巴塔哥尼亚人中，在妇女地位得到提高的操休伦湖方言和阿塔卡帕斯方言的民族中也是如此。甚至美洲红人也远不是原始的。一个真正的原始人实际上任何地方都不存在。几千年以来，各人种的男人在经验的学校里取得进步，虽然其教导者和方式各不相同。后面我们将看看红种人古老的法律是怎样的，以及只按女系计算血缘的澳大利亚人的，这一文明模式的运作，趋于取代更早的野性的残暴行径，尤其是排除猎妻的必要。

Chapter 7: Exogamy: Its Origin- Comparative Archaism of Exogamy and Endogamy
第七章：异族结婚：它的起源——拟古的异族结婚和同族结婚的比较
At the outset of our argument it was seen that if it could be shown that exogamous tribes existed, and that the usual relations of savage tribes to each other were those of hostility, we should have found a social condition in which it was inevitable that wives should systematically be procured by capture. It also appeared that if the existence of exogamous tribes either actually capturing their wives, or observing the symbol of capture in their marriage ceremonies, should be established in a reasonable number of cases, it would be legitimate inference that exogamy has prevailed wherever we find a system of capture, or the form of capture, existing. We now confidently submit that the conditions requisite for this inference have been amply established in the three preceding chapters; so that we may conclude that wherever capture, or the form of capture, prevails, or has prevailed, exogamy. Conversely, we may say that, wherver exogamy can be found, we may confidently expect to find, after due investigation, at least traces of a system, of capture. We have traced the law and the corresponding practice among tribes scattered over a large portion of the globe. What farther knowledge of rude tribes now existing may show to us it would be idle to conjecture; but it might be plausibly maintained, upon the facts already known to us, that the principle of exogamy has in fact prevailed, and the system of capturing wives in fact been practiced at a certain stage among every race of mankind.
在讨论的开始我们已经看到，如果外婚部落是存在的，而且野蛮部落间相互的关系是那样敌对的，我们将发现这样一种社会情况：有系统地靠捕掠获得妻子将是不可避免的。它同样表明，如果外婚部落的存在（无论是实际地捕获他们的妻子，还是在婚礼中刻意表现劫夺的象征）有相当数量的案例加以确定，这将是合理的推论，在任何我们发现系统的劫掠或形式的劫掠存在的地方，都流行外婚。现在我们放心地提出这一推论的必要条件在前面三章已经充分确定，所以我们可以得出结论：哪里里流行或曾经流行劫夺或形式的劫夺，哪里就流行外婚。反过来，我们可以说哪里有外婚制被发现，我们可以安心地期待在一定的调查之后，发现劫夺，至少是劫夺体系的痕迹。我们回溯了散布于地球大范围内的部落中间的法律及相应的实行。现有的关于野蛮部落的更多的知识也许向我们显示它是一个无价值的臆测；但基于我们已经了解的事实，这可能继续象是真的，即，外婚法则实际上存在而且捕掠妻子的制度在所有人种的某一阶段实际上是习以为常的。
Perhaps there is no question leading deeper into the foundations of civil society than that which regards the origin of exogamy, unless it be the cognate question of the origin of caste, which admits, however, more readily of ingenious surmises, and what mathematicians call singular solutions. We believe this restriction on marriage to be connected with the practice in early times of female infanticide, which, rendering women scarce, led at once to polyandry within the tribe, and the capturing of women from without. Female infanticide- common among savages everywhere- prevails as a system, and has been customary from time immemorial amongst many of the races that exhibit the symbol of capture. With some of the exogamous races it appears to be the rule to kill all female children, except the first-born when a female. To tribes surrounded by enemies, and, unaided by art, contending with the difficulties of subsistence, sons were a source of strength, both for defence and in the quest for food, daughters a source of weakness. Hence the cruel custom which, leaving the primitive human hordes with very few young women of their own- occasionally with none- and, in any case, seriously disturbing the balance of the sexes within the hordes, forced them to prey upon one another for wives. Usage, induced by necessity would in time establish a prejudice among the tribes observing it- a prejudice strong as a principle of religion, as every prejudice relatinf to marriage is apt to be –against marrying women of their own stock. A survey of facts of primitive life, and the breakdown of exogamy in advancing communities, exclude the notion that the law originated in any innate or primary feeling against marriage with kinfolk. Indeed, we shall hereafter see that it is probable that necessity may have been established the prejudice against marrying women of the group even before the facts of blood relationship had made any deep impression on the human mind. At present it may be observed that the existence of infanticide, so wide spread in itself, indicates how slight the strength of blood ties was in primitive times. To form an adequate notion, on the other hand, of the extent to which tribes might, by means of infanticide, deprive themselves of their women, we have only to bear in mind the multitude of facts which testify to the thoughtlessness and improvidence of men during the childish stage of the human mind.
也许没有什么问题比认识外婚的起源更能深入文明社会的基础，除非它是与种姓起源同类，在任何程度上，更易于包容猜想的灵活性，而数学家称之为奇解的问题。我们相信这种结婚限制是同早期的杀女婴行为相联系的，它表现为女性短缺，从而导致部落内的一妻多夫和从外部劫掠妇女。杀女婴——在野蛮人中是普遍的——作为一种制度盛行，并从史前时期始在许多表现出盗妻象征的种族中成为习俗。一些外婚种族中它表现为杀死所有女孩的规定，除非女孩是头胎出生的。众敌环视、缺乏技巧而无助的部落为生存困难而斗争，无论防御还是获取食物，儿子是实力之本，女儿是累赘。因此这残酷的风俗，留给原始人游牧部落很少自己的年轻妇女——有时一个也没有——从而在任何部落严重扰乱了性别平衡，迫使他们互相劫掠妻子。由于需要应运而生的习俗在那些眷顾它的部落中间会固化成偏执——一种象宗教原则一样顽强的偏执，如同每一个涉及婚姻的偏执易于表现出来的一样——它反对跟与自己同根的（本初血统相同的）女子结婚。关于原始生活真相的观察和进步的群落外婚制的细目分类拒绝接纳这样的观点：法律起源于什么先天的或原始的反对与亲属结婚的根本知性。甚至我们将在后面看到问题在于，可能确定了反对与同族女子结婚的偏执的必要性恰恰比血缘联系在人们的头脑中留下深刻印象更早。
To show that the analysis by which the true solution of the questions respecting endogamy and exogamy is to be
obtained, is the analysis of a series of phenomena which appears to form a progression, we notice the following as the divisions into which the less advanced portions of mankind fall when ranked according to their rules as to connubiums:-
为说明获得内婚制和外婚制问题的真正解决的分析，是表现为构成级数形式的一系列现象的分析，我们注意到下列各项分区，其中当等级依赖于他们的婚姻规则时，较低级的男性等级的下降:
EXOGAMY PURE. -1. Tribal (or family) system. –Tribes separarate. All the members of each tribe of the same blood, or feigning themselves to be so. Marriage prohibited between the members of the tribe.
纯外婚制。——1、部落（或家族）体系。——部落分离。每个部落中的一切成员均同血统，或号称如此。部落成员之间禁止通婚。
2. Tribal system.- Tribe a congeries of family groups, falling into divisions, clans, thums, etc. No connubium between members of same division; connubium between all the divisions.
2、部落体系——部落是家庭群体的结合体，下分为区、克兰、萨姆等。同区的成员不能通婚；一切区之间均可通婚。
3. Tribal system.- Tribe a congeries of family groups embracing several village communities or nomadic hordes: members of families (or primitive stock groups) somewhat interfused. No connubium between persons whose family name points them out as being of the same stock.
3、部落体系——。——部落是家庭群体的结合体，后者包含若干村落共同体或游牧部落：各家族（或本初同根群体）有些交错，凡姓氏指明其为同一系统者不能通婚。
4. Tribal system.- Tribe in divisions. No connubium between members of the same divisions: connubium between some divisions; only oartial connubium between others –e.g., a man of one marry a woman of another, but a woman of the former may not marry a man of the latter. Approach to caste.
4、部落体系。——部落划分为区。同区的成员不能通婚：某些区之间可以通婚；同其他区成员的通婚仅限于划桨型的，例如，一个区的男人可以同另一区的女人结婚，但前一区的女人可能不能同后一区的男人结婚。类似于等级制度。
5. Tribal system.- Tribe in divisions. No connubium between persons of the same stock; connubium between each division and some other. No connubium between each division and some other. No connubium between some of the divisions. Caste.
5、部落体系。——部落划分为区。同根的人不能通婚，每一区同其他某区之间可以通婚。每一区同其他某区之间不能通婚。某些区之间不能通婚。等级制。
ENDOGAMY PURE.-6. Tribal (or family system.-Tribes separate. All the members of each tribe of the same blood, or feigning themselves to be so. Connubium between members of the tribe: marriage without the tribe forbidden and punished.
纯内婚制。6、部落（或家庭）体系。各部落是单独的。每一部落的的所有成员均同血统，或假想他们是这样的。
7. Tribal system indistinct.- Members of primitive (stock) groups interfused. (1.) Marriage forbidden except between persons whose family name points them out as being of the same stock. (2.) Marriage forbidden except between the members of particular families. Persons having connubium marked as a caste, old tribal divisions being lost sight of.
7、部落体系不明。本初（同根）群组的成员是交错的。（1）婚姻是禁止的，氏指明当事者是同根的除外。（2）婚姻是禁止的，特殊家族的成员除外。各人有标明等级的婚姻标志，先前的部落划分被漠视。
Although these tribal systems may be arranged as above so as to seem to form a progression, of which the extremes are pure exogamy on the one hand, and endogamy –transmuted into caste of the Mantchu and Hindu types- on the other, we have at present no right to say that these systems were developed in anything like this order in tribal history. They may represent a progression from exogamy to endogamy, or from endogamy to exogamy ; or the middle terms, so to speak, may have been produced by the combination of groups severally organized on the one and the other of these principles/ The two types f organization may be equally archaic. Men must originally have been free of any prejudice against marriage between relations- not necessarily endogamous, i.e., forbidding marriage except between kindred, but still more given to such unions than to unions with strangers. From this primitive indifference they may have advanced, some to endogamy, some to exogamy.
虽然这些部落体系可以被安排成如上看起来象形成级数，其端点一是纯外婚制，另一是变成Mantchu和印度型的纯内婚制，现在我们还没有权力说在部落历史上这些体系被发展成了象这个序列的东西。它们可能代表了一个从外婚制到内婚制，或者从内婚制到外婚制的级数；或者居中地，可以说，它们从被按照这些原则的这个或那个原则各自独立组织起来的群体联合体发展起来。两种类型的组织也许同样古老。男人们起初必然不受任何反对在亲属之中结婚的偏执的约束——没有必要的内婚制等，即，除与同族人结婚以外禁止结婚，但仍然惯于这种结合，而不是与陌生人结合。从这种原始的漠不关心中，它们可能取得了发展，有的走向内婚制，有的走向外婚制。
The separate endogamous tribes are nearly as numerous, and they are in some respects as ride, as the separate exogamous tribes. It may be noted, however, that endogamy appears in populations formed by the fusion of many tribes, as the almost uniform characteristic of the dominant race. Hereafter we shall see how a tribe organized on the principle of endogamy might be developed from one organized on the principle of exogamy, in perfect consistency with the law against the intermarriage of relations. And while the existence of tribes like thouse of the Mantchu Tartars, who prohibit marriages between persons whose family names are different, is of great weight in favour of endogamy as a primitive type of organization; on the other hand, castes like those of India, embracing members of several different families, and with a marriage law like that of Menu, strongly suggest that many endogamous tribes have been developed from tribes organized on the opposite principle. Since, moreover, the reconversion of a caste or of an endogamous tribe into an exogamous tribe is inconceivable- we have no experience of caste disappearing except in advanced communities, and then only on a revolution of sentiment being produced by political influences- the choice seems to be between regarding the two classes of tribes as organized ab initio on distinct principles, or holding the exogamous to be the more archaic.
分离的内婚部落几乎是无数的，而在某些方面是与分离的外婚部落相配的。无论如何可以看到，内婚制出现在由许多部落融合形成的人口中，几乎是统治种族的一致特征。后面我们将看到一个在内婚制原则上组织起来的部落如何从由外婚制原则组织的部落发展而来，与反对亲属的族 外婚完全一致。然而，当象禁止名字不同的家庭的人通婚的Mantchu鞑靼人部落的存在成为极有分量的证据说明内婚只是一种原始的组织类型时，另一方面像印度那样的种姓等级却包含几个不同家庭的成员，并且有Menu那样的婚姻法律，强有力地支持许多内婚部落从以相反的原则组织起来的部落发展而来。自那以来，更进一步地，让一个等级或一个内婚部落回复到外婚部落是无法想象的——除非在高级社会我们没有见过种姓的消失，而且只是在政治的影响下革命的情绪产生之时——这种选择似乎处于以截然不同的原则组织起来的两种不同类型的部落之间，又象是支持外婚制更加古老。
We may notice as strange, that frequently tribes thus oppositely organized are found inhabiting the same area. On the sub- Himalayan ranges, for example, are the Sodhas, who intermarry with the Rajputs, not with each other; the Magars, who prohibit marriages between members of the same thum; and, again, the Kocch, Bodo, Ho, and Dhumal, who are forbidden to marry except to members of their own tribes or kiels. And, in some districts- as in the hills on the north-eastern frontiers of India, in the Caucasus, and the hill ranges of Syria- we find a variety of tribes, proved, by physical characteristics and the affinities of language, of one and the same original stock, yet in this particular differing toto coelo from one another- some forbidding marriage within the tribe, and some proscribing marriage without it.
我们可能奇怪地注意到，部落常常因此而相对地是有组织的，它们被发现居住于同一地区。以喜马拉雅山脉山麓的Sodhas为例，他们与拉其普特人通婚，而不是彼此通婚；Magars禁止同一部落或基尔的成员之间结婚，而更深入一些，Kocch、Bodo、Ho和Dhumal禁止不是同一部落或基尔的成员之间的通婚。还有一些地区，如印度东北边界、高加索地区和叙利亚的山区，我们发现了多样的部落，体质特征和语言关系证明他们是同源的，但是却特别，它们彼此完全不同，一些禁止部落内通婚，一些禁止不同部落通婚。
What has been said is enough to show that the question of the comparative archaism of exogamy and endogamy is as difficult as it is interesting, We shall in the next chapter lead up to a fuller discussion of that question, while investigating more minutely than we have hitherto done the conditions of the form of capture being evolved. We shall there endeavour to establish the following propositions:-1. That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was the system of kinship through females only. 2. That the primitive groups were, or were assumed to be, homogenous. 3. That the system of kinship through females only tended to render the exogamous groups heterogeneous, and thus to supersede the system of capturing wives. 4. That in the advance from savagery the system of kinship through females only was succeeded by a system which acknowledged kinship through males also; and which, in most cases passed into a system which acknowledged kinship through males only. 5. That the system of kinship through males tended to rear up homogeneous groups, and thus to restore the original condition of affairs- where the exogamous prejudice survived- as regards both the practice of capturing wives and the evolution of the form of capture. 6. That a local tribe, under the combined influence of exogamy and the system of female kinship, might attain a balance of persons of different sexes regarded as being of different descent, and that thus its members might be able to intermarry with the principle of exogamy. 7. That a local tribe, having reached this stage and grown proud through success in war, might decline intermarriage with other local tribes and become a caste. That on kinship becoming agnatic, the members of such a tribe might yield to the universal tendency of rude races to eponomy, and feign themselves to be all derived from a common ancestor, and so become endogamous. And 9. That there is a reason to think that some endogamous tribes became endogamous in this manner.
所说的已足以说明比较外婚制和内婚知哪个更古老的问题是困难的就像他是有趣味的一样，我们下一章将在做比迄今已做的从盗妻发展来的社会状况更详细的调查的同时理清那个问题的争论。我们将明确一下命题：1、大部分包括血统联系观念的古代体系是只通过女系计算血族关系的体系。2、原始群是或被假定是纯系的。3、只按女系计算血族关系的系统倾向于实行异类群的外婚制，并因而取代盗妻的体系。4、从只按女系计算血族关系的野蛮系统发展来的高级系统为也承认通过父系计算血族关系的系统所继承。5、通过父系计算血族关系的系统往往跃回均质的群体 ，并且因此恢复到事情的原始状态——外婚的偏执得以幸存——被认为既是实行盗妻的又是从盗妻发展的。6、一个本地部落在外婚制和女系血族关系的联合影响下，可能达到被认为不同世系的不同性别人们的平衡，而且因此成员可能得以按外婚原则通婚。7、到达这一阶段而且通过胜利的战争获得自豪的本地部落，可能拒绝与本地部落的联姻而变成世袭种姓。在血族关系变成男系时，这类部落的成员可能屈服于普遍的倾向蒙昧种族的eponomy,并且假托他们自己全部源自一个共同的祖先，由此而转向内婚。进而，9、那就有了一个理由认为一些内婚部落以这种式转向内婚。

Chapter 8: Ancient Systems of Kinship and Their Influence on the Structure of Primitive Groups
第八章：古代血族关系体系和它们对原始群体的结构的影响
The earliest human groups can have had no idea of kinship. We do not mean to say that there ever was a time when men not bound together by a feeling of kindred. The filial and fraternal affections may be instinctive. They are obviously independent of any theory of kinships, its origin or consequences; they are distinct from the perception of the unity of blood upon which kinship depends; and they may have existed long before kinship became an object of thought. What we would say is, that ideas of kinship must be regarded as growths-must have grown like all other ideas related to matters primarily cognizable only by the senses; and that the fact of consanguinity must have long remained unperceived as other facts, quite obvious, have done. In other words, at the root of kinship is a physical fact, which could be discerned only through observation and reflection- a fact, therefore, which must for a time have been overlooked. No advocate of innate ideas, we should imagine, will maintain their existence on a subject so concrete as relationship by blood.
最早的人类群体可能没有血族关系的观念。我们并不是说曾经有一个时期人们不以类似血缘的感觉结合在一起。孝悌之爱也许是本能。它们明显独立于任何血族关系的理论，无论是理论的起点还是因果关系；它们与血族关系所依赖的对血统统一的理解截然不同；它们可能在血族关系成为思想的对象以前存在已久。我们想说的是，血族关系必然是逐步被认识的——必然象其他任何仅凭感觉获得其原始区分的问题的观念一样；而且血亲的事实必然在长时期内未被察觉就象其他十分明显如此的事实一样。换句话说，在血族关系的根源是一个只能通过观察和反思辨别的物理事实——因此必然是一个长期没注意到的事实。没有可想象的天赋观念的主鼓吹者可以保持关于一个主题的观念的存在象血统关系那样具体。

A group of kindred in that stage of ignorance is the rudest that can be imagined. Though they were chiefly held together by the feeling of kindred, the apparent bond of fellowship between the members of such a group would be that they and theirs had always been companions in war or the chase-joint tenants of the same cave or grove. To one another they would simply be as comrades. As distinguished from men of other groups, they would be of the group, and named after it,
亲属关系处在那种无知状态的一群是能想得到的最蒙昧的了。尽管他们主要是通过类似亲属关系的感觉结合在一起的，这种群体中成员间的突出的友谊的纽带应是他们总是在战争中的伙伴，他们的住处是同一个洞穴或林地。他们相互间完全是伙伴。区分于其他群体的人们，他们自成一群，并以之命名群体。
Hence, most naturally, on the idea of blood-relationship arising, would be formed the conception of Stocks. Previously individuals had been affiliated not to persons, but to some group. The new idea of blood-relationship would more readily demonstrate the group to be composed of kindred than it would evolve a special system of blood ties between certain of the individuals in the group. The members of a group would now have become brethren. As distinguished from men of other groups, they would be of the group-stock, and named after the group.
因此，极其自然地，当血统联系发端之时，他们将形成同祖的观念。起先，个体不是与人相关联，而是与某群体。新的血统联系的观念更易于证明，比起群体由其中特定的个体间的血统关系发展成特殊的血统联系的系统，群体更应该由亲属关系组成。一个群体的成员成了同胞。与其他群体的人相区别，他们将是同属群体祖先，并以之命名群体。
The development of the idea of blood-relationship into a system of kinship, must have been a work of time- at least the establishment over any great area of any such system as an institution of customary law must have been slowly effected. It is most improbable that that idea, when first formed , was anywhere at once embodied in a well-defined system of kinship.

血缘联系的观念进化为血族制度必定是一个长期的过程——至少任何大面积的任何这样一种习惯法的机构成为制度必定是慢慢起作用的。这种观念在任何地方一形成便立即成为定义成熟的血族制度是决不可能的。

We shall endeavour to show-

I.-That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was a system of kinship through females only.

我们要努力证明——

I.——最古老的血缘联系的观念具体化的制度是一种只通过女系计算世系的制度。

Once a man has perceived the fact of consanguinity in the simplest case- namely, that he has his mother’s blood in his veins, he may quickly see that he is of the same blood with her other children. A little more reflection will enable him to see that he is of one blood with the brothers and sisters of his mother. On further though he will perceive that he is of the same blood with the children of his mother’s sister. And, in process of time, following the ties of blood through females being obvious and indisputable, the idea of blood relationship, as soon as it was formed, must have begun to develop, however slowly, into a system embracing them. What further development this idea might have-whether it would simultaneously have a development in the direction of kinship through males-must have depended on the circumstances connected with paternity. If the paternity of a child were usually as indisputable as the maternity, we might expect to find kinship through males acknowledged soon after kinship through females. But however natural it might be that men should think of blood ties as possible to be propagated through fathers, blood-ties through fathers could not find a place in a system of kinshipm unless circumstances usually allowed of some degree of certainty as to who the father of the child was, or of certainty as to the father’s blood. A system of relationship through fathers could only be formed- as we have seen that a system of relationship through mother would be formed-after a good deal of reflection upon the fact of paternity. And fathers must usually be known before men will think of relationship through fathers-indeed, before the idea of a father can be formed. There could be no system of kinship through males if paternity was usually, or in a great proportion of cases, uncertain. The requisite degree of certainty can be had only when the mother is appropriated to a particular man as his wife, or to men of one blood as wife, and when women thus appropriated are usually found faithful to their lords.
一旦一个人在简单事例中认识到血亲（血缘）的事实——即他的血管中有他的母亲的血统，他很快会看到他和她的其他孩子有共同的血统。 更多一点的思考将使他能够看到他与他母亲的兄弟姐妹属于共同的血统。更进一步他将看到他与她母亲的的姐妹们的孩子属于同一血统。随时间推移，随从女性的血统明显而确定，血统纽带的观念一旦形成，不论如何缓慢，必然是会发展为一种制度？系统？，包容他们。这种观念的发展——无论它是否将向着通过男性计算血族关系的方向发展——可能必须依靠与父权相联接的环境。如果一个孩子的父子关系普遍地象孕产一样明白无误，我们可以预见通过男性计算血缘关系的系统在通过女性计算血缘关系的系统之后很快被承认。但是无论人们想到血缘联系可能是由于父亲的繁殖是多么的自然，通过父亲计算的血统纽带却无法在任何地方的任何血缘系统中找到，除非环境通常在某种程度上允许谁是孩子的父亲有确定性，或者父亲的血统有确定性。通过父亲联系的体系只能经由父子关系的事实之上的大量反映而形成—，就像我们已经看到的通过母亲联系的体系的形成一样。而且，在人们将思考通过父亲们的联系以前，父亲们必须大抵是知道的——当然，是在单一的父亲的观念形成之前。如果父子关系大抵，或在大比例的案例中是不确定的，就不会有通过男性计算血缘关系的体系。只有当母亲适从一个特定的男人成为他的妻子，或者成为统一血统的男人们的妻子时，而且女人们因此通常被发现忠诚于她们的主人时，必要程度的确定性就具备了。
Considering that the history of all the race of men, so far as we know it, is the history of a progress from the savage state; considering the social condition of rude tribes still upon the earth,- remembering that the races which can be traced in history had all a previous history, which remains unwritten, - it cannot seem a very strange proposition that there has been a stage in the development of human races when there was no such appropriation of women to particular men-when, in short, marriage, as it exits among civilized natins was not practiced. We believe we shall show, to a sufficient degree of probability, that there have been times when marriage, in this sense, was yet undreamt of. Wherever this has been the case the paternity of the child must have been uncertain; the conditions essential to a system of kinship through males being formed would therefore be wanting; no such system would be formed; there would be- there could be- kinship through females only.
考虑到人类所有种族的历史就我们迄今所知，是从野蛮状态发展的历史；考虑到蒙昧部落的社会状态仍然存在于这个星球——记住这一点，所有种族都可以追溯起历史到史前时代，既没有文字记录的时代，——它不会是看起来十分奇怪的主张认为曾有过一个人类种族的发展阶段，那时没有女人为一个特定的男人专有——简言之，即婚姻，象它存在于文明国家中那样的那时尚不成熟。我们相信我们将说明在一个充分程度上说明，存在结婚在这种情形下还是梦想不到的时期。无论如何有这样的情形孩子的父子关系曾是不明确的；这样的系统不会形成；血缘关系只会，确切地说只能通过女系计算。

Not to assume that the progress of various races of men from savagery has been a uniform process, that all the stages which any of them has gone through have been passed in their order by all, we shall be justified in believing that more or less of promiscuity in the connection of the sexes, and a system of kinship through females only have subsisted races of men among which no traces of the remain, when we have shown their existence in a considerable number of cases- if in these there appear nothing exceptional. After what has been said above, it must be plain that kinship through females only, if it exists at all, must be a more archaic system of relationship than kinship through males- the product of an earlier and ruder stage in human development than the latter- somewhat more than a step farther back in the direction of savagery. To prove its existence on such a scale as to entitle it to rank among the normal phenomena of human development, is, we may now say, to prove it the most ancient system of kinship. As customs tend to perpetuate themselves and die hard, it will not in any degree make against our explanation of the origin of kinship through female only , that it should be found in some cases along with marriage relations which allow of certainty as to fathers. It is inconceivable that anything but the want of certainty on that point could have long prevented the acknowledgement of kinship through males; and in such cases we shall be able to conclude that such certainity has formerly been wanting – that more or less promiscuous intercourse between the sexes have formerly prevailed. The connection between these two things- uncertain paternity and kinship through females only, seems so necessary- that of cause and effect- that we may confidently infer the one where we find the other.
不要假定人类不同种族从野性进步是一个统一的程式，过来的处于所有发展阶段的一切种族曾经过其所有步骤，我们相信这一点将被证明是正确的，性关系中或多或少的杂乱，和一种只通过女性计算世系的体系曾经维持着其中已无踪迹可寻的人类种族，当我们显示了它们存在于相当数量的案例之中，里面又无一例外。与上面所说的一致，只通过女性计算血缘必然是明白的，如果它普遍存在，必然是比通过男性计算的血缘关系更古老的血缘联系的产物——一种更早的在人类发展史上比后者更蒙昧的阶段——在向野蛮社会的进程上回溯稍远一步。证明它存在处于如此的等规模之上足定义为为人类发展普遍现象的一个进阶，我们现在可以说，就是证明它是最早的血缘关系体系。由于习俗倾向于使自己永存而很难消亡，将无法在任何程度上反对我们的关于只通过女系计算血缘关系的起源地解释，在某些有案例中会发现在婚姻关系中允许确定的父亲。难以置信仅仅是对那个位置的确定长期阻止了对通过男性计算血缘关系的认知；而且在这种案例中我们将可以得出结论这种确定性通常是缺乏的——两性间多少杂乱的关系从前是存在的。不确定的父权只通过女系计算的血缘关系两者间的联系看起来如此必然，就同原因与结果，我们可以放心地推断在那儿发现一个就有另一个。
Let us see, then, what can be said for the proposition that there has been a stage in the progress of men in which a woman was not usually appropriated to a particular man as his wife.
那么让我们来看看关于在人类发展上曾有一个女人通常不作为妻子附从于特定男子的阶段能说些什么。
All the evidence we have goes to show that men were form the beginning gregarious. The geological record distinctly exhibits them in groups- naked hunters or feeders upon shell fish leading a precarious life of squalid misery. This testimony is confirmed by all history. We hear nothing in the most ancient times of individual except as being members of groups. The history of property is the history of the development of proprietary rights inside groups, which were at first the only owners, and of all other personal rights- even including the right in offspring- it may be said that their history is that of the gradal assertion of the claims of individuals against the traditional rights of groups.
我们占有的所有证据显人类从开始就形成群居。地质学记录清楚地展示了他们是这样的群体——裸体的猎人或贝类采集者，过着不洁的不安定的生活。这种陈述为所有的历史所证实。除了作为群体的成员我们没有听说过各远古时期的个体。财产的历史是个人财产权在群体内部发展的历史，起先是独站产业的权利，然后是其他所有个人权利——甚至包括对后代的权利——可以说他们的历史是逐步的要求个人权利的申明反对传统的集体权利的历史。
We, of course, know nothing about the co-ordination of the sexes in the earliest groups. The reader knows already what must be our conjecture as to what it was. We can trace the line of human progress far back towards brutishness; finding as we go back the noble faculties peculiar to man weaker and weaker in their manifestations, producing less and less effect,-at last scarcely any effect at all- upon his position and habits. As we go back, we find more and more in men the traits of gregarious animals; slighter and slighter indications of operative intellect. As among other gregarious animals, the unions of the sexes were probably in the earliest times, loose, transitory, and in some way promiscuous.
我们当然对最早人类群体中的两性配合一无所知。读者已经知道它是什么必然是我们的推测。我们可以溯人类进化之路回到如野兽般的人；发现当我们回到人类独有的高贵本领在他们的表现中越来越弱，生产效力越来越低，最后几乎根本没有任何效力时，他的处境和习性。当我们回顾时，我们发现越来越多的人们中间如群居动物般的部落；智力活动的迹象越来越轻微。就像其他的群居动物，组成群的性交在最早的时期可能是散漫、临时和某种程度上杂乱的。
Before the invention of the arts, and the formation of provident habits, the struggle for existence must often have become very serious. The instincts of self preservation, therefore, must have frequently predominated and shaped the features of society freely, as if the unselfish affections had no place in human nature. None of the races of mankind can have been spared the cruel experience of this initiatory stage; or can have escaped the effects of that experience on its character and customs. Even those most favourably situated must have had long periods of trial, and have suffered from the incessant hostility of neighbors. So, without supposing the course of human events to have been uniform, we must conceive of early human society as having been throughout affected by influences of the same general, unfriendly, character, and as having been determined, though perhaps by unequal pressures, towards one uniform type in all its parts.
在艺术发明和有预见的习俗形成以前，生存斗争必然经常变得非常严峻。自我保护的本能因此必然曾经常起支配作用并直接形成社会特色就像无私的友爱在人类自然本性中并没有位置。没有任何一个人类种族能被这种初始阶段的残酷经历赦免；或者能够摆脱基于它的特点和习俗的经验的烙印。即使那些经历最顺的也必然有过漫长的考验时期，并且遭到邻居的不断的敌意。所以，无需假设人类具体经历的过程是统一的，我们必须想象早期人类的社会在所有部分被相同的普遍不友好的特征鲜明的影响始终侵害，并且尽管多半处在不同的压力之下，却被决定了趋于统一的模式。
Foremost among the results of this early struggle for food and security , must have been an effect upon the balance of the sexes. As braves and hunters were required and valued, it would be the interest of every horde to rear, when possible, its healthy male children. It would be less its interest to rear females, as they would be less capale of self-support, and of contributing, by their exertions, to the common good. In this lies the only explanation which can be accepted of the origin of those systems of female infanticide still existing, the discovery of which from time to time, in out of the way places, so shocks our humanity. It is of no consequence by what theories the races who practice infanticide now defend the practice. There can be no doubt that its origin is everywhere referable to that early time of struggle and necessity which we have been contemplating.
在早期的为食物和安全而斗争的诸结果中间，首要的一个必然影响到性别平衡。勇敢的人和猎人是必需的和宝贵的，每一个游牧部落在可能时培养它的健康男孩是利害攸关的.这将降低他们培养女性的兴趣，以致她们减弱了自立和作贡献从而为公共利益发挥作用的能力。在这这一假说下唯一可能被接受的关于那些杀害女婴仍然存在的制度的起源的解释，展现出来的一个个时代的发现是如此震撼我们的人性。那种理论所谓现在实行杀婴的种族为这种行为而辩护是没有结果的。毫无疑问它的起源是在任何地方都归因于我们探稽过的早期的竞争和必需。
What is now true in varying degrees of all the rudest races may be assumed to have been true of all the earliest groups. We may predicate of the primitive groups that they were all or nearly all marked by a want of balance between the sexes- the males being in the majority. The reader will have little difficulty in granting that we may do so when he reflects on the prevalence of exogamy, the origin of which must be referred to that want of balance. And we think he will be still more ready to make the concession when we shall have surveyed the facts connected with polyandry- the origin of which must be referred to the same cause.
现在在所有不同程度的蒙昧种族是真实的可以被假设在在所有早期群体中是真实的。我们可以断言原始群体全部或几乎全部表现出性别的失衡——男性过剩。读者将会有点困难接受我们会这样做象流行的外婚那样，其起源必然为了达到两性的平衡。而且我们认为他还要做更多的让步当我们将调查一妻多夫的事实联系时——它的起源必然是由于同样的原因。
When diminished the number of the female sex would increase the importance of women. The first result of the balance of the sexes against the females, must have been to give every woman more than one, it might be several wooers. Apart from any disproportion of the sexes, we might expect the more engaging females of a horde to be surrounded by suitors. Savages are unrestrained by any sense of delicacy from a copartnery in sexual enjoyment; and, indeed, in the civilised state, the sin of great cities shows that there are no natural restraints sufficient to hold men back from grosser copartneries. But within a horde possessing few women, such copartneries would be a necessity. And as savages assert for themselves a high degree of independence , it is obvious that grave difficulties must have surrounded the constitution and regulation of such copartneries. And to the consideration of these difficulties we are led, the instant we conceive of the primitive groups as containing fewer women than men.
女性数量的减少增加了妇女的重要性。女性缺乏造成的性别平衡问题的第一个结果，必然是留给每一个女人不止一个的男人，而可能是数个追求者。除了性别失衡，我们可以认为游牧部落被她的求婚者所包围的女性更具魅力。野蛮人在性享受中从同伴那里得到愉悦是无限制的；而且，的确，在文明国家，大城市的违背习俗之事表明不存在自然的克制足以防止人们回到更多性伴侣状态。但在一个有少量女人的游牧部落中间，合作是必需的。由于野蛮人宣称他们自己的高度独立，这是明显的，严重的困难必定紧缠着这类合作的体制和规则。考虑到这些困难，我们直接设想原始群拥有的女人少于男人。
The men of a group must either have quarreled about their women and separated, splitting the horde into hostile sections; or, in the spirit of indifference, indulged in savage promiscuity. That quarrels and divisions were of frequent occurrence can’t be doubted. These were the first wars for women, and they went to form the habits which established exogamy. And whether quarrels arose or not, we are led to contemplate groups- the horde or its sections- indulging in a promiscuity more or less general. The quarrels must have been between sections of the hordes rather than between individuals. No individual at that stage could well carry off a woman, isolate himself, and found a family. However brave and strong, he could scarcely maintain his independence for any time against numerous assailants. Unless these quarrels went the length of completely disintegrating the groups- a result which the gregarious nature of men tended to prevent- we must arrive at last at groups within which harmony was maintained through indifference and promiscuity.
群体的男人们必然既抱怨与他们的女人分散，把极快地把游牧部落分裂成对反的部分；又无关精神的，鼓励原始的杂乱关系。那种抱怨和区分无疑是经常的事件。这些是最早的为了女人的战争，他们有助于形成确立外婚制的习俗。而且，不管抱怨激发与否，我们被引领思考群组——游牧部落或其分支 ——普遍纵容或多或少的杂乱关系。争吵必然更多地在部落的分支之间而不是个人之间。没有个人在那个阶段能彻底据有一个女人，离群索居，建立自己的家庭。无论多么勇敢和强壮，他几乎不可能在反对众多攻击者时回回保持自主。除非这些争吵达到如此激烈完全分解群体——一个接过群居性质的男人倾向于防止的—— 我们必然最终达到了这样的一些群体，独来独往和杂乱性关系的协调得到维护。
These groups would hold their women, like their other goods, in common. And the children, while attached to mothers, would belong to the horde. We find traces of the former existence of groups of this description; and its probable that before the rise of kinship, all the human groups were of that model. On the rise of kinship. The difficulty due to the scarcity of women would more easily be overcome. The first advance from a general promiscuity- assuming its existence- would naturally be to a promiscuity less general- to arrangements between small sets if men to attach themselves to a particular women. Previous to the establishment of a system of kinship- when men were bound to each other only by the tribal tie- it is obvious that there would constantly be difficulties in the way of their forming such combinations. When, however, the system of kinship through females only, had been firmly established, every group stood resolved into a number of small brotherese, each composed of sons of the same mother. And within these, the feeling of close kinship would simplify the constitution of the polyandrous arrangement.
这些群体会共同控制他们的女人就像控制集体的其他财产一样。孩子附着于母亲也属于部落共有。我们发现了这里描述的群体曾经存在的迹象；可能在血族关系产生以前，所有人类群体都是这样的模式。在血族关系的形成中，由于妇女缺乏造成的困难较易于解决。普遍杂乱关系（假设它存在）的第一个进步自然的将是较小范围的杂乱关系——如果男人们依属于特定的妇女们，杂乱性关系限制在小的集合之内。在血族关系体系建立前，人们只通过部落关系团结在一起，显而易见，形成这样的体系的道路是持续困难的。不过当只通过女性计算血族关系的制度稳固地建立起来，每一个群组断然地建立在一小批兄弟们之上，每一批的男孩们都追溯到一个共同的母亲。而在它们之内，亲密的血族关系的感觉将使一妻多夫的安排的规则变得简单。
Now, here, at length, we are upon the firm ground of fact. We have examples of general promiscuity; and examples of modified promiscuity, in which, with a pretence of marriage, the woman may bestow her favours upon any one, under certain restrictions as to rank and family. We have numerous examples of polyandry, and they are such as to show that polyandry must be regarded as a modification of and advance from promiscuity. We have examples of polyandry in which the wife has several husbands, who are not necessarily relatives; and very many examples of polyandry in which the husbands are all brothers. We often find these two forms of polyandry in the same district, in different sections of the population: here, the husbands as a rule, are no relations; there, the husbands as a rule, are brothers. Farther, where the husbands are not brothers, we find the system of relationship through females only; and, so enduring its custom, we very often find that system where marriage has long been regulated as to permit of kinship through males. In many cases we find traces of the system of kinship through females only, lingering about the laws of marriage an succession to estates and titles, even where male kinship has been longed established. Moreover, in nearly all the cases in which traces are found of kinship through females only, traces of polyandry also remain. Thus, what we find is just what was to be expected if the account we have offered of the origin of polyandry was correct.

就现在这里的范围，我们具有了坚实的事实基础。我们有普遍杂乱关系的例子，有改良的有着伪装的杂乱婚姻关系的例子，在一定的等级和家族的限制下，女子可以把她的宠爱给于任何人。我们有大量的一妻多夫的例子，它们似乎表明一妻多夫必须被认为一种从乱交发展的改良的形式，从乱交进化而来。我们有这样的一妻多夫的例子：妻子拥有几个并没有必须的的亲戚关系的丈夫；还有很多这样的例子：丈夫们全部是兄弟。我们经常在同一地区、不同部分的人口中见发现这两种形式的一妻多夫：在这里，按规则，丈夫没有关系；在那里，丈夫们按规则是兄弟。进一步，丈夫们不是兄弟的部分，我们发现只通过女性计算关系的体系，而且，这习俗如此持久，在结婚已长久处在通允许过男性计算血族关系的控制之下，我们很经常地发现它。在许多案例中我们发现只通过女性计算血族关系的体系的踪迹，遗留于有关结婚和继承财产与头衔的律令中，尽管那里男系血族关系久已建立。此外，在几乎所有发现了只通过女性计算血族关系的痕迹的案例中，一妻多夫的痕迹也存在。所以，我们所发现的正是我们所预期的，如果我们提供的关于一妻多夫的起源的推测是正确的。

修改中，请勿摘录

http://www.clas.ufl.edu/users/bkimura/familiesdescentkinship.htm

Families

Nuclear family
parents and children
not universal
common among foragers and in industrialized countries
Extended family
3 or more generations
Bosnia: zadruga male houshold head and his wife, married sons with wifes and children, unmarried sons and daughters

Family of orientation
born into
interaction with parents and siblings
Family of procreation
formed when marries and have children
interaction with spouse and children
Changes in the United States
1970: 40% nuclear families; 2000: 24%
decrease in household size

Residence patterns

Patrilocal
pater (latin for father), local (locality, place)
living in or near husband’s father’s household
67% of cultures in cross cultural comparisons
most common in cultures with conflicts with neighboring communities, keeps sons close for defense
examples: zadruga in Bosnia, Konso
Matrilocal
mater (latin for mother)
living in or near wife’s mother’s household
15% of cultures in cross cultural comparisons
most common in cultures where men are away for extended periods or warfare is purely external
example: Nayar in India; headed by senior woman assisted by brother; tarawad inhabited by her children, siblings and sisters children
Residence patterns

Bilocal
bi as prefix means two
living with or near either wife’s or husband’s parents household
7% of cultures in cross cultural comparisons
common when population is low such as among foragers, or when population has been severely reduced
example: San in Kalahari

Neolocal
neo (latin) means new
married couples establish their own household away from parents
5% of cultures in cross cultural comparisons
common in societies with monetary exchange
example: United States and Europe

Avunculocal
avunculus (latin for uncle)
living with or near the husband’s mother’s brother’s household
4% of cultures in cross cultural comparisons
example: Trobriand Islands

Descent groups

A permanent social unit whose members claim common ancestry
Descent groups are often corporate, sharing resources and property
An individual is born into a unilineal descent group (ascribed status) and can choose which ambilineal descent group to join (achieved status)
Individuals can also join a descent group by adoption

Descent groups

Lineage
a set of kin whose members trace descent from a common ancestor through known links
Clan
a descent group who claims common ancestry but cannot demonstrate the links
the apical ancestor may be non-human
clans are often designated by a plant or animal name

Lineages

Patrilineal organization
individuals join the father’s descent group at birth
most common type of lineage organization
large lineages may be divided into sublineages who trace their ancestry to a son of the lineage ancestor
generally patrilocal residence pattern

Matrilineal organization
individuals join the mother’s descent group at birth
positions of public power are typically held by men
mother’s brother an important authority figure
residence pattern is matrilocal or avuvunculocal

Ambilineal organization
individuals choose among their parents and grandparents descent groups
an individual can change affiliation
less common than unilineal descent
advantageous in societies with scant resources
Bilateral descent
relatives on mother’s and father’s side equal
includes consanguineal and affinal kin

Konso

Patrilineal with the lineage head descendant from the oldest son of the lineage ancestor
New lineages can be formed after 5 generations from the oldest son of the 2nd wife of the lineage ancestor
Lineage heads solve disputes and preside over rituals
Nine exogamous clans

Kinship calculation

Kin terms
the classificatory terms used in a particular culture for different types of relatives
Biological kin type
the degree of actual relatedness between kin
Consanguineal kin: related by blood
lineal: direct line (parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren),
collaterals: other blood relatives
Affinal kin: related by marriage

Cousins

Parallel cousins
children of mother’s sister or father’s brother
Cross cousins
children of mother’s brother or father’s sister
In some societies cross cousins marry
helps to form alliances
In a few societies parallel cousins marry
consolidates property
 

Lineal kinship
Inuit (Eskimo) system

All cousins lumped together with the same term
Uncles and aunts are lumped under the same term
Mother, father, brother and sister separate terms
Common with nuclear families and bilateral descent

Bifurcate merging kinship
Omaha system

one term for father and father’s brther
one term for mother, her sister and her brother’s daughter
one for mother’s brother and his son
brother, sister and parallel cousins distinguished by sex
father’s sister and her children unique terms
common in societies with patrilineal descent

Bifurcate merging kinship
Crow system

one term for mother and her sister
one term for father, his brother and for his sister’s son
one for father’s sister and her daughter
brother, sister and parallel cousins distinguished by sex
mother’s brother and his children unique terms
common in societies with matrilineal descent

Bifurcate merging kinship
Iroquois system

one term for mother and her sister
one term for father and his brother
mother’s brother and father’s sister unique terms
brother, sister and parallel cousins distinguished by sex
cross cousins distinguished by sex
common with unilineal descent
Generational kinship
Hawaiian system

One term for father, father’s brother and mother’s brother
One term for mother, mother’s sister and father’s sister
Siblings and cousins distinguished by sex
Common with ambilineal descent and bilocal residence pattern

Bifurcate collateral kinship

A different descriptive term is used for each relative
Uncommon
Likely to be patrilineal societies
Associated with class stratification and occupational specialization
Kinship terminology

Examples of kinship terminologies

Konso
One term for father and father’s brother
One term for mother and mother’s sister
Separate terms for mother’s brother and father’s sister
Separate terms for siblings and cousins
Separate terms for older and younger siblings
bifurcate merging kinship

Sweden
Separate terms for all individuals in parents generation
Separate terms for brother and sister
One term for cousins
bifurcate collateral kinship
Many societies have some modifications to the main ways of classifying kin

anthropomorphic

adj.人、神同形同性论的

The Atakapa (pronounced "uh-TAK-uh-paw", also spelled Attakapa, Attakapas, Attacapa, formally known as the Ishaks, pronounced "ee-SHAKS", translated as The People [1] ) were a Southeastern culture of Native American tribes and with a common language that lived along the Gulf of Mexico.
      Their territory ranged from the Trinity River and Galveston Bay in Texas to Bayou Teche and Vermilion Bay in Louisiana. They hunted small game, and ate fish, roots, berries, and shellfish and also planted crops. Though the tribe's population at various times was speculated in tens of thousands, historians agree those numbers had dwindled to mere hundreds when Louisiana was undergoing colonization in the 1700s and different bands migrated westward.

 Cherokee
切罗基族(北美易洛魁人的一支)人

切罗基语
是一种切罗基族使用的易洛魁语。是唯一尚在使用的 南易洛魁语。
通行区:  美国  
区域:  奥克拉荷马州与大烟山切罗基族保留区，北卡罗来纳州
总使用人数:  15,000 to 22,000 
语系:  易洛魁语系
           南易洛魁语支
               切罗基语 

希尔克斯人（Circassians）是以色列民族多元化中的一个精彩组成部分。其中3000人居住在加利利下游地区的卡马（Kfar Kama） 村，另外1000人则居住在加利利上游地区的让哈尼亚（Rekhaniya） 村。

切尔克斯人原住在欧亚两大洲交汇处的高加索北部山区；十九世纪的时候，他们来到以色列。邻居们称他们为“切尔克斯人”，意为高山居民，然而他们的原名“阿迪该”（Adigai）却是贵族的意思。17世纪中叶，丝绸之路上的鞑靼人（Tatars）和土耳其人(Turks) 经过切尔克斯人居住的地区，对原本信奉基督教的切尔克斯人受到他们的影响，皈依伊斯兰教。在与俄罗斯帝国旷日持久的战争中被击败后，切尔克斯人被流放到包括地中海在内的奥托曼土耳其地区，以他们著名的军事技巧为奥托曼帝国效力。

Choctaw
1. 复Choctaws，Choctaw乔克托人（住在美国密西西比等地的穆斯科洛人的一支）
 2. 乔克托语（乔克托人说的穆斯科洛语）
 3. 晦涩难懂的话，莫名其妙的话                        
confarreatio

The confarreatio was the ancient patrician form of marriage among the Romans, especially necessary at the nuptials of those whose children were intended to be vestal virgins or flamens of Jupiter. The name originated in the bride and bridegroom sharing a cake of spelt (far or panis farreus). It was limited to patricians whose parents were also married with confarreatio. The wedding was an elaborate ceremony with the Flamen Dialis and Pontifex Maximus presiding, as well as ten witnesses present. The woman passed directly from the manus of her paterfamilias to that of her new husband.

Divorce for confarreatio marriages, diffarreatio, was a difficult process and therefore rare. Not much is known about how diffarreatio was carried out except that there was a special type of sacrifice that caused the dissolution of the relationship between the man and woman. She would then pass back into the manus of her paterfamilias. Originally, the confarreatio was indissoluble, and this remained true of the marriage of the Flamen Dialis, who was required to marry by confarreatio.

confarreation
麦饼联姻礼( 古罗马一种最庄严的贵族婚礼仪式,以麦饼奉献朱庇特神,故名) 。这个名称即从麦饼（panisfarreus）而来。举行婚式时须有证人至少十名在场，新婚夫妇必须在大祭司和朱庇特祭司面前食用供神的麦饼。

罗马时期的夫妇有3种可供选择的婚姻形式。Coemptio，类似于现代民间婚礼；confarreatio，类似于今天仪式严谨的天主教婚礼；usus，也就是事实婚姻，按风俗习惯过上一年和睦相处的夫妻生活，婚姻便宣告合法。在这三种形式中，都有新娘把手从父亲那里转移到丈夫那里的习惯。两千多年前，罗马人制定了这些婚俗模式，并延续了几个世纪，直到今天，亚洲、欧洲、非洲和美洲各地都有这种模式的延续，即便存在文化差异，改变的幅度也不是很大。罗马婚俗今天依然在帮助新人们设计未来的婚姻蓝图。                                                                       

Coemptio

 Ancient Roman law recognized three forms of marriage. Confarreatio was marked by a highl solemnized ceremony involving numerous witnesses and animal sacrifice. It was usually reserved for patrician families. Coemptio, used by many plebeians, was effectively marriage by purchase, while usus, the most informal variety, was marriage simply by mutual consent and evidence of extended cohabitation. Roman law generally placed the woman in the “power” of her husband and on the same footing as children.

CONFARREATIO, the ancient patrician form of marriage among the Romans, especially necessary at the nuptials of those whose children were intended to be vestal virgins or flamens of Jupiter. The name originated in the bride and bridegroom sharing a cake of spelt (far or panis farreus), in the presence of the pontifex maximus, flamen dialis, and ten witnesses. This form of marriage could only be dissolved by another equally solemn ceremony, which was called diffarreatio. In later republican times, confarreatio became obsolete except in the case of the most sacred priesthoods - the flamines and the rex sacrorum. Confarreatio was the most solemn of the three forms of marriage (q.v.), but in later times the ceremony fell into disuse, and Cicero mentions but two, coemptio and usus. (See ROMAN LAW.)

Creek 
 　　操穆斯科格语(Muskogean)的北美印第安部落，原居住在乔治亚和阿拉巴马的大片平地，经济大体上以种植玉蜀黍、豆类及南瓜为主。妇女耕作，男子外出狩猎或作战。克里克人分为两支︰穆斯科格人，又称上克里克人，居住在克里克土地的北部；希奇蒂人(Hitchiti)和阿拉巴马人，同上克里克人习惯相同，但所操方言微异，称为下克里克人。克里克人的村镇分为白城与红城，白城专门举行和平仪式，红城专门举行战争仪式。他们十分重视等级，但等级是建筑在个人优点——战功或才智——之上而不是通过世袭取得。和大多数东南印第安人一样，他们也喜欢纹身。每个村镇，都有公共广场，环绕广场建有长方形房屋，其四周用木柱涂以泥土构成篱笆墙。屋顶涂有沥青，覆以树皮或茅草，烟囱留在山墙之上。如果村镇有神庙，则神庙为圆形草顶，筑于2.4公尺(8呎)高的土岗上，由岗下至神庙门口砌成阶梯。广场为聚会之所，重要宗教仪式诸如绿谷节等都在这里举行；绿谷节是一年一度的初果和新火仪式。这个仲夏节日的不同之点就在於︰任何坏事、冤情或罪恶在这一天都可得到原谅，但杀人者例外。
　　1539年德索托(Hernando de Soto)率兵入侵克里克人土地，是为克里克人与白人接触之始。後来克里克人与英国殖民者联合，共同反抗阿巴拉契人(Apalachee)与西班牙人，战争约始于1703年前後，尔後连年兵戎相见。18世纪时一个克里克联盟组成，但以失败告终。1813∼1814年间对美作战的克里克战争(Creek War)爆发，有些城镇与白人并肩战斗，有些城镇抗击白人。克里克人战败後割让其土地的9,200,000公顷(23,000,000，阿拉巴马之半及乔治亚南部部分地区)，1830年代，他们被迫迁移到印第安准州(今奥克拉荷马州)。在那里，克里克人与切罗基人、奇克索人、乔克托人及塞米诺尔人并称文明五部落。历经70馀年之久，每一部落各得一份土地并仿照美国政府形式组建准自治政府。1907年，奥克拉荷马准备建州，部落份地部分分配给个体的印第安人；其馀份地由联邦政府签发，对白人垦殖者开放，或分配给获得自由的奴隶耕作。部落政府实际上已於1906年解散，但迄今仍以某种有限形式存在著。现在一些印第安人就在这通称为部落占有的土地上生活著。
　　20世纪晚期，约有20,000名克里克人生活在奥克拉荷马州，许多人都已采取州内居民生活方式，只在名义上是克里克人而已。其中约15,000人居住在联邦政府签发的份地上。另外一批人更为保守，继续使用克里克语，保持早年城镇组织形式，还继续遵守诸如嫩玉米节庆典的克里克宗教仪式。还有一部分克里克人曾留在阿拉巴马的西南部，其後裔约有500人。这部分人已经不再使用克里克语言，几乎失去全部克里克文化痕迹。佛罗里达州和奥克拉荷马州的塞米诺尔人(Seminole)，就是18世纪和19世纪初克里克联盟的一个支系。 

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/akin
akin
Function: adjectiveDate: 1567
1 : related by blood : descended from a common ancestor or prototype
2 : essentially similar, related, or compatible              

       Cambro-Norman is a term used for Norman knights who settled in southern Wales after the Norman conquest of England in 1066. Some historians suggest that the term is to be preferred to Anglo-Norman for the Normans who invaded Ireland after 1170 — many of whom originated in Wales.
      The most prominent example is Richard "Strongbow" de Clare, whose lands in Wales centred around Pembroke and who led the Norman invasion of Ireland.
      In addition to such Cambro-Norman lords, some of Ireland's most prominent families, including Walsh, Joyce and Griffith, were indigenous Welsh families who came with the Norman invasion. Other indigenous Welsh surnames such as Taaffe which came at this time became very important families within the Pale community.

 Kandy is the main city in the hill-county of Sri Lanka. The Kandy Valley crosses an area of tropical plantations. The famous tooth of Buddha, a relic symbolising is placed in Kandy.

Cruithnians

The Cruithne or Cruithin were a semi-mythical people, with occasional historic reference in Irish sources, that lived within the British Isles during the Iron Age. Specifically, Cruithne was the contemporary Irish word for the Picts.
    According to T. F. O'Rahilly's historical model, the Cruithne were descended from the Priteni, who O'Rahilly argues were the first Celtic group to inhabit the British Isles, and identifies with the Picts of Scotland. They settled in Britain and Ireland between 700 and 500 BC. They used iron and spoke a P-Celtic language, calling themselves Priteni or Pritani,[1] which is the origin of the Latin word Britannia and the Old English words "Briton" and "British".
    More recent theories, supported by archaeological evidence, suggest that the Cruithne were a pre-Celtic people, and may have spoken a non-Indo-European language before the spread and dominance of Celtic culture in Ireland and Britain. It is also suggested that these people were the descendants of the aboriginal neolithic people of the isles. Around 50 BC Diodorus wrote of "those of the Pretani who inhabit the country called Iris (Ireland)". The first reference to the name Pict is found in a Latin document dated 297 AD.
    It should be noted that Pytheas in about 325 BC is credited with first recording the local name of the islands, in Greek as Prettanike - apparently in connection with the Cornish region - which Diodorus later rendered Pretannia.
    In Britain these Priteni were absorbed by later invaders and lost their cultural identity, except in the far north where they were known to the Romans as Picti, or “painted people,” on account of their practice of decorating their bodies with paint or tattoos (a practice which by then had died out among other Celtic tribes). In Ireland, too, the Priteni were largely absorbed by later settlers; but a few pockets of them managed to retain a measure of cultural, if not political, independence well into the Christian era. By then they were identified as Cruithne, P-Celtic linguistic descendants of the Priteni.
     Among the Cruthnian tribes that survived were the Loíges and Fothairt in Leinster. The name of the first of these tribes - modernized as Laois - has been revived and given to one of the counties of Leinster (formerly known as Queen's County).
    The existence of the Cruithne in Ireland as a pre-Gaelic people has led some (particularly unionists) to advocate the theory that they were not, as some nationalists consider, a "non-native" people.
    The language of the inhabitants in Jacqueline Carey's Kushiel's Legacy series is called Cruithne.

Demaratus
Demaratus was a king of Sparta from 515 until 491 BC, of the Eurypontid line, successor to his father Ariston. As king, he is known chiefly for his opposition to the other, co-ruling Spartan king, Cleomenes I. When Cleomenes attempted to make Isagoras tyrant in Athens, Demaratus tried unsuccessfully to frustrate his plans. In 501 BC, Aegina was one of the states which gave the symbols of submission (earth and water) to Persia. Athens at once appealed to Sparta to punish this act of medism, and Cleomenes I crossed over to the island to arrest those responsible. His first attempt was unsuccessful, due to interference from Demaratus, who did his utmost to bring Cleomenes into disfavour at home.

dichotomous
adj.
分成两个的, 叉状分枝的

Dobuzhoffer

南美印第安人部族

Dungaree, a Hindu goddess living on a Dungar, a moderate size hill or a small mountain.

Ephyra  (EF-i-ruh) 

* the name of several cities in Greece in early times, including Corinth and Crannon.

*Original name of Corinth. Sisyphus was its founder and first king. Bellerophon was a citizen, although he was exiled or a murder. When he was challenged to fight the Chimaera, he returned to his birthplace and sought out the flying horse Pegasus. He found the winged steed watering at the spring of Peirene, a Corinthian landmark of ancient times. It was said to have been formed from the tears of a mother lamenting the accidental killing of her son by the goddess Artemis.

euhemerism
n.神话即历史论的论点

fraternities

The term "fraternities", often colloquially shortened to "frats", generally refers to all-male or mixed-sex organizations. The female-only equivalent is usually called a "sorority", a word first coined in 1874 at Gamma Phi Beta at Syracuse University; before this, societies for either sex were called "fraternities." Some women's organizations continue to prefer to be called "women's fraternities".

Gandharvas

In Hinduism
In Hinduism, the Gandharvas (Sanskrit: gandharva) are male nature spirits, husbands of the Apsaras. Some are part animal, usually a bird or horse. They have superb musical skills. They guarded the Soma and made beautiful music for the gods in their palaces. A connection between their name and that of the Greek centaurs was proposed in the 19th century, but has met with strong opposition from some Indo-Europeanists.[citation needed]
In Hindu theology, Gandharvas act as messengers between the gods and humans. In Hindu law, a Gandharva marriage is one contracted by mutual consent and without formality.

[edit] In Buddhism
A Gandharva (Sanskrit) or Gandhabba (Pāli) is one of the lowest-ranking devas in Buddhist theology. They are classed among the Cāturmahārājikakāyika devas, and are subject to the Great King Dhṛtarāṣṭra, Guardian of the East. Beings are reborn among the Gandharvas as a consequence of having practiced the most basic form of ethics (Janavasabha-sutta, DN.18). It was considered embarrassing for a monk to be born in no better birth than that of a gandharva.
Gandharvas can fly through the air, and are known for their skill as musicians. They are connected with trees and flowers, and are described as dwelling in the scents of bark, sap, and blossom. They are among the beings of the wilderness that might disturb a monk meditating alone.
The terms gandharva and yakṣa are sometimes used for the same person; yakṣa in these cases is the more general term, including a variety of lower deities.
Among the notable gandharvas are mentioned (in DN.20 and DN.32) Panāda, Opamañña, Naḷa, Cittasena, Rājā. Janesabha is probably the same as Janavasabha, a rebirth of King Bimbisāra of Magadha. Mātali the Gandharva is the charioteer for Śakra.
Timbarū was a chieftain of the gandharvas. There is a romantic story told about the love between his daughter Bhaddā Suriyavaccasā (Sanskrit: Bhadrā Sūryavarcasā) and another gandharva, Pañcasikha (Sanskrit: Pañcaśikha). Pañcasikha fell in love with Suriyavaccasā when he saw her dancing before Śakra, but she was then in love with Sikhandī (or Sikhaddi), son of Mātali the charioteer. Pañcasikha then went to Timbarū's home and played a melody on his lute of beluva-wood, on which he had great skill, and sang a love-song in which he interwove themes about the Buddha and his Arhats.
Later, Śakra prevailed upon Pañcasikha to intercede with the Buddha so that Śakra might have an audience with him. As a reward for Pañcasikha's services, Śakra was able to get Suriyavaccasā, already pleased with Pañcasikha's display of skill and devotion, to agree to marry Pañcasikha.
Pañcasikha also acts as a messenger for the Four Heavenly Kings, conveying news from them to Mātali, the latter representing Śakra and the Trāyastriṃśa devas.
Gandharva or gandhabba is also used in a completely different sense, referring to a being (or, strictly speaking, part of the causal continuum of consciousness) in a liminal state between birth and death.
Belief
There is a belief that these gandharvas will occasionally visit earth and persuade young unmarried women and vanish after making them pregnant and leaving the life of these women in grief.

Goomsur:在印度奥里萨邦．

Iole： In Greek mythology, Iole (Ἰόλη) was the daughter of Eurytus.

Eurytus promised Iole to whoever could beat his sons in an archery contest. Heracles won but Eurytus abandoned his promise. Heracles killed him and his sons, and eloped with Iole. Iole was Heracles's concubine until the latter's death. In accordance with Heracles's death wish, his son Hyllus then married Iole. They had a son named Cleodaeus.

She is mentioned in Euripides "Hippolytus".

Kafiristan,

the historic name for the Nuristan Province in Afghanistan .

Kalmucks
住于美国西部的蒙古人种之一种族, 其语言

Kal·myk  (klmk, kl-mk) also Kal·muck or Kal·muk (klmk, kl-mk)n. pl. Kalmyk or Kal·myks also Kalmuck or Kal·mucks or Kalmuk or Kal·muks
1. A member of a Buddhist Mongol people now located primarily in Kalmyk.
2. The Mongolian language of this people.

Kalmyk people or Kalmyks (Kalmyk: Хальмгуд; "Kalmyk" is alternatively translated as "Kalmuck," "Kalmuk," or "Kalmyki") is the name given to western Mongolian people and later adopted by those Oirats who migrated from Central Asia in the seventeenth century. Today they form a majority in the autonomous Republic of Kalmykia on the western shore of the Caspian Sea. Through emigration, small Kalmyk communities have been established in the United States, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the Czech Republic.

kin·dred (kndrd)
pl.n.
Relatives; kindred.
Noun 1. kinfolk - people descended from a common ancestor; "his family has lived in Massachusetts since the Mayflower"

 kinfolk  also kinsfolk  or kinfolks 

n.1. A group of related persons, as a clan or tribe.
   2. (used with a pl. verb) A person's relatives; kinfolk.
adj.
1. Of the same ancestry or family: kindred clans.
2. Having a similar or related origin, nature, or character: kindred emotions.

kinsfolk
n. 亲属, 血族
1. people descended from a common ancestor; "his family had lived in Massachusetts since the Mayflower"

Koryaks, a people of the Koryak Autonomous Okrug in the Russian Far East, inhabit the coastlands of the Bering Sea to the south of the Anadyr basin and the country to the immediate north of the Kamchatka Peninsula, the southernmost limit of
their range being Tigilsk. They are akin to the Chukchis, whom they closely resemble in physique and manner of life. Also, they are distantly related to the Kamchadal (Itelmens) on the Kamchatka Peninsula.
        The Koryak language and its relative, Alutor, are linguistically very close to Chukchi. They are members of the Chukotko-Kamchatkan language family.

kinsmen
Function: noun
Date: 12th century
: relative ; specifically : a male relative 

Leotychidas [Leotychides, Latychidas] (c. 545 BC–469 BC) was a ruler of Sparta 491 BC-476 BC. He led Spartan forces during the Persian Wars from 490 BC to 478 BC. He is not to be confused with another Eurypontid Leotychides, the (allegedly illegitimate) son of Agis II.

Born in Sparta around 545 BC, Leotychidas was a descendant of the house of Eurypontid and came to power with the help of Cleomenes I by challenging Demaratus for the throne of Sparta in 491 BC. Later that year, he joined Cleomenes' second expedition to Aegina, where ten hostages were seized and given to Athens. However after Cleomenes' death in 488 BC, Leotychidas was almost surrendered to Aegina. In the spring of 479 BC, Leotychidas commanded a Greek fleet consisting of 110 ships at Aegina and later at Delos, supporting the Greek revolts at Chios and Samos against Persia. Leotychidas defeated Persian military and naval forces at the battle of Mycale on the coast of Asia Minor in the summer of 479 BC (possibly around mid-August). In 476 BC, Leotychidas led an expedition to Thessaly against the Aleuadae family for collaboration with the Persians but withdrew after being bribed by the family. Returning to Sparta he was tried for bribery, and fled to the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea. Sentenced to exile, his house was burned and his grandson Archidamus II became the ruler of Sparta. Leotychidas died some years later, around 469 BC.

Le´vir    (lē´vẽr)
n. 1. A husband's brother; - used in reference to levirate marriages.

Levirate marriage

is the practice of a woman marrying one of her husband's brothers after her husband's death, if there were no children, in order to continue his line. Levirate marriage has been practiced by societies with a strong clan structure in which exogamous marriage outside the clan was forbidden. Groups that have practiced levirate marriage include the Punjabis and Jats, Israelites, the Xiongnu, the Mongols, and the Tibetans. (For the view of levirate marriage in Judaism, see Yibbum.) The practice was discontinued by the Western Jewish community in the Middle ages, a decision which was extended to most of the Jewish world in the early 1950s.
The term levirate is a derivative of the Latin word levir, meaning 'husband's brothe.'

Magar is a Sino-Tibetan ethnic group of Nepal and northern India whose homeland extends from the western and southern edges of the Dhaulagiri section of the high Himalayas range south to the prominent Mahabharat foothill range and eastward into the Gandaki basin. According to Nepal’s 2001 census, 1,622,421 people identified themselves as belonging to the Magar ethnolinguistic group, representing 7.14% of Nepal’s population and making them the largest indigenous ethnic group in the country. According to the census figure, almost all of Magar are Buddhists whereas only a handful are considered to be non Buddhist Hindu..

mandala:any of various ritualistic geometric designs symbolic of the universe, used in Hinduism and Buddhism as an aid to meditation.

Marriage by force or capture goes back to primitive culture when tribal groups were routinely hostile to each other. At that time marriages were "consummated" as the groom captured a desirable woman in the process of conquering and pillaging a rival tribe. The custom of having a "best man" in attendance at the wedding is a holdover from the days in which the grooms best man served as a fellow-warrior. When a man sought to capture a woman from another tribe, he would often bring along his "best" man to assist him in the ensuing battle, thus helping the bridegroom capture and carry away the bride-to-be. In better times and if tribes were on good terms, women could be exchanged easily; if not, they were simply abducted and raped (in Latin, "rape" means "to carry off".) The maid of honor and bride’s maids , on the other hand, were the women who helped the bride get away from her protective family and from other suitors so that she could be captured by the groom she wanted. When such quaint methods of getting the bride and groom together faded in popularity, the honor rules survived.
      The honeymoon is a relic of the days of marriage by capture. Frequently the tribe from which a warrior stole a bride would come looking for her, and it was necessary for the warrior and his new wife to go into hiding to avoid being discovered. The honeymoon of today, therefore, evolved as symbolic of the period of time that the bridegroom hid until bride’s kinsmen grew tired of looking for her -- and him as well. According to an old French custom, as the moon went through all its phases the couple drank a wine made with honey called metheglin; hence the honeymoon. Many couples still keep their honeymoon plans a secret even if they are not afraid of being pursed by relatives. 

Livonia (Livonian: Līvõmō, Latvian and Lithuanian: Livonija; Estonian: Liivimaa; Finnish: Liivinmaa; German and Swedish: Livland; Polish: Inflanty, Liwlandia; Russian: Лифляндия / Liflyandiya) was once the land of the Finnic Livonians inhabiting the principal ancient Livonian County Metsepole with its center at Turaida. The most prominent ruler of the ancient Livonia was Caupo of Turaida.
      During the Livonian Crusade, ancient Livonia was colonized by the Livonian Brothers of the Sword, later called Livonian Order and the name Livonia came to designate a much broader territory: Terra Mariana on the eastern coasts of the Baltic Sea, in present-day Latvia and Estonia. Its frontiers are the Gulf of Riga and the Gulf of Finland in the north-west, Lake Peipus and Russia to the east, and Lithuania to the south.
      Livonia was inhabited by various Baltic and Finnic peoples, ruled by an upper class of Baltic Germans. Over the course of time, some nobles were polonized into the Polish-Lithuanian nobility (Szlachta) or russified into the Russian nobility (Dvoryanstvo).

  Mosaic Law  

The ancient law of the Hebrews, attributed to Moses and contained in the Pentateuch. Also called Law of Moses.

Natchez
纳齐兹部族人(印地安人部落, 原居美国密西西比州西南部的印第安人的一个部落, 现已灭绝)      

The Natchez Indians inhabited what is now southwest Mississippi ca. AD 700-1730, with the culture at its zenith in the mid-1500s. Between 1682 and 1729 the Grand Village was their main ceremonial center, according to historical and archaeological evidence. French explorers, priests, and journalists described the ceremonial mounds built by the Natchez on the banks of St. Catherine Creek, and archaeological investigations produced additional  evidence that the site was the place that the French called "the Grand Village of the Natchez Indians." During the period that the Natchez occupied the Grand Village, the French explored the region and began to make settlements. Relations between the French and the Natchez were cordial at first, but deteriorated as various disagreements and episodes of violence arose in 1716 and again in 1723. In 1729, a pro-English element within the tribe led the Natchez to attack the French colonial platations and military garrison at Fort Rosalie. The French retaliated in such force that the Natchez were forced to abandon their homeland.

OREITHYIA (or Orithyia) was the mountain Nymph wife of Boreas, the north wind, who dwelt with her husband in a cave on Mount Haimos in Thrake. She was probably a goddess of chill mountain winds, since her name means "the mountain rager" and her daughter by the god was Khione (Snow).
        Oreithyia was once a mortal princess, who was abducted by the god from the banks of the river Ilissos near Athens. He carried her off to Thrake where she became his immortal wife.
        Like Oreithyia her sisters Pandrosos (All Dewy) and Herse (Dew) were also minor Athenian goddesses.
        Oreithyia was probably the same as Khione, the consort of Boreas according to some.
 

The Patagonian Desert, also known as the Patagonia Desert or the Patagonian Steppe, is the largest desert in the Americas and is the 7th largest desert in the world by area, occupying 260,000 square miles (673,000 km²). It is located primarily in Argentina with small parts in Chile and is bounded by the Andes, to its west, and the Atlantic Ocean to its east, in the region of Patagonia, southern Argentina.

Percalus

希罗多德《历史》第六卷1

(64)久而久之，阿里司通逝世了。戴玛拉托斯于是作了国王。但是看来
这些事件注定是要被发现的，而戴玛拉托斯便由于这样一个原因失去了自己
的王位。在这之前，克列欧美涅斯当戴玛拉托斯把自己的军队引离埃列乌西
斯的时候，便是非常仇视他的，特别是这次当克列欧美涅斯本人渡海到埃吉
纳去惩罚支持波斯人的埃吉纳人的时候，便更加仇视他了。
(65)因此，克列欧美涅斯既然想进行报复，他便和戴玛拉托斯家中的一
个人，即阿吉斯的孙子、美那列斯的儿子列乌杜奇戴斯缔结了一项协定，即
如果他使列乌杜奇戴斯代替戴玛拉托斯做国王的话，那未列乌杜奇戴斯要随
他一同去攻打埃吉纳人。原来列乌杜奇戴斯乃是戴玛拉托斯的一个死敌，因
为他曾和戴玛尔美诺斯的孙女、奇隆的女儿培尔卡洛斯订了婚，但是戴玛拉
托斯使用了计谋，夺走了列乌杜奇戴斯的新妇，他把新娘在婚前拐跑而使她
和自己结了婚。这便是列乌杜奇戴斯和戴玛拉托斯反目的理由。而现在由于
克列欧美涅斯的唆使，他便对戴玛拉托斯提出了控诉，起誓说戴玛拉托斯并
不是斯巴达的合法的国王，因为他本来不是阿里司通的儿子；在作出了这个
誓证之后，他便到法庭上去控告戴玛拉托斯，因为他一直记得，当仆人把生
男孩子的事告诉阿里司通，而阿里司通在计算了月份之后曾誓言这个男孩子
并不是他的儿子。列乌杜奇戴斯便以这句话为根据，力图证明戴玛拉托斯根
本不是阿里司通的儿子或斯巴达的合法的国王。他召请五长官前来作证，因
为他们当时都曾列席会议并且听见过阿里司通说这样的话。
(66)结果在这件事上面发生了争论，于是斯巴达人决定到戴尔波伊去请
示神托，问戴玛拉托斯是否阿里司通的儿子。这件被送到佩提亚那里去，
征求她的意见，这也是克列欧美涅斯出的主意。原来当时克列欧美涅斯曾得
到戴尔波伊最有势力的人物、阿里司托庞托斯的儿子科邦的帮助；这个科邦
曾说服了那里的女祭司培莉亚拉，要她说出克列欧美涅斯要她说的话。结果
当使者向她请示的时候，她便断定说戴玛位托斯并不是阿里司通的儿子。但
是后来，这种行为被发觉了。科邦被驱出了戴尔波伊，而女司祭培莉亚拉也
被褫夺了她的光荣职务。
phra·try (frtr)
n.pl. phra·tries
1. A kinship group constituting an intermediate division in the primitive structure of the Hellenic tribe or phyle, consisting of several patrilinear clans, and surviving in classical times as a territorial subdivision in the political and military organization of the Athenian state.
2. Anthropology An exogamoussubdivision of the tribe, constituting two or more related clans.

Plutarch普鲁塔克

普鲁塔克(Plutarch，约公元46～120年)出身于希腊中部波奥提亚地区喀罗尼亚城(Chaeronea)一个有文化教养的家庭。其父亚里斯托布鲁斯(Aristobulus)是一位传记作家和哲学家。
　　他幼承庭训，养成了对知识的爱好。青年时期游学雅典，曾受业于名师阿谟尼乌斯(Ammonius)，受过数学、哲学、修辞学、历史学以及医学等方面的训练。还曾遍游希腊各地，到过爱琴海诸岛，访问过埃及、小亚细亚、意大利。所到之处，他都极为留心搜集当地的历史资料和口碑传说，从而成为一名饱学之士。后来，他来到罗马讲学，研究罗马的历史，同时结识了许多名人。
　　他一生经历了罗马帝国前期的3个王朝-尤利乌斯·克劳狄王朝、弗拉维王朝和安敦尼王朝。据说，他曾经为帝国的2个皇帝-图拉真和哈德良-讲过课，并博得了他们的赏识。图拉真曾授予他执政官的高位，后来哈德良又提拔他担任过希腊财政督察。
　　他一生中的大部分时间是在喀罗尼亚度过的。在故乡，他一面著书立说、开门授徒，一面担任当地的行政长官、参与政治活动。据说他在家乡还开办过一所学校，所授课程以哲学和伦理学为主。晚年他又出任希腊圣地-德尔斐阿波罗神庙的终身祭司。
　　▲普鲁塔克是一个勤奋而多产的作家。
　　在他儿子拉姆普里亚斯(Lamprias)为他编订的著作目录里，列举了他227篇著作的书名。这本目录里列举出来的大部分著作已经散失，现在仅存83篇。在现在流传下来的作品中，除了这83篇之外，还有后来发现的、且未被目录收进去的作品18篇，以及仅存残篇的作品15篇。后人把他现存的这些作品分编成2本集子：《道德论集》(Ethica，亦作Moralia)和《传记集》(Parallel Lives)。《道德论集》包括60多篇论文和语录，广泛地探讨了伦理、宗教、哲学、科学、政治、文学等方面的问题，是了解普鲁塔克的生平和思想的重要文献。准确地说，他主要不是一位历史学家，而是一位道德学家。然而，广为流传并使他久负盛名的却是那本包括50篇传记的《传记集》，而不是《道德论集》。
　　▲普鲁塔克所生活的时代，正值罗马帝国的鼎盛时期。
　　当时，地中海周围的不同民族、不同文化之间的交流和融合日趋强化，特别是占主导地位的希腊文化和罗马文化彼此影响、相互结合，逐渐形成了"希腊―罗马文化"，迎来了欧洲古典文化的又一个高峰。普鲁塔克的学术成就代表并反映了这种文化融合的趋势和现状。
　　普鲁塔克撰写的《传记集》又被称为《希腊·罗马名人合传》，就是他身上所反映出来的这种文化融合趋势的集中体现。此书显然是想强调一个历史事实，即希腊和罗马都曾有过辉煌的历史、都产生过同样杰出的历史人物、都是了不起的民族。
　　正是出于这种考虑，普鲁塔克在著作的结构安排上也是独树一帜、寓意深刻的。在《传记集》中，除了4篇是单独的1人1传之外，其余的46篇都是以类相从，组合成了23对合传。他从希腊和罗马历史上的古代伟人中，各挑选出1个他认为命运和气质相类似的人物、以对照比较的形式分别为他们立传，最后再加上一篇类似短评的文章，构成一部合传的全部内容。譬如：他把马其顿的亚力山大与罗马的恺撒组成合传，就是因为他认为这2个人都是杰出的军事家和政治家、都怀有极大的野心，又都精于战术、果断勇敢、富有冒险精神、不辞艰辛，也都很幸运，并且都无视关于他们自己的灾异等。
　　作为一个希腊人，普鲁塔克撰写的希腊名人传都是很成功的；相比之下，罗马名人的传记却写得不尽如人意。尽管他在罗马生活过相当长的时间，但是他对罗马的历史、制度和习俗仍然比较生疏，再加上他不能熟练地阅读拉丁文的文献(只是晚年学过拉丁文)，以致于影响了他的发挥。
　　▲普鲁塔克的哲学观点也是他所处时代的典型的折衷物。他兼取柏拉图、亚里斯多德、斯多噶以及毕达哥拉斯等各派之说，尤其重视伦理道德问题。
　　普鲁塔克认为：人生应当以道德为准绳，应当受理性的节制，要中庸克己、符合人道、不慕荣华、不图虚誉。他为希腊和罗马的古代名人立传，主要不是写历史，而是为了通过对传主进行伦理上的评价、并以此来阐发自己的伦理思想，最终目的还是为了垂训世人。在《亚力山大传》的序言中，他明确地写道："我所写的，不是历史的书，而是一部传记。在许多著名的事迹里，并不一定能够看出这些英雄伟人道德或不道德的一面，而一些小小的行动及言语，常常比造成数万人死亡的战争、或大规模的布阵、或对城市的攻防，更能显示出一个人的性格。……我把大事迹或战争的部分让给他人去写，我只写人物心理方面的特征，用这种方法来叙述或描写每个英雄或伟人的传记"。
　　同这种写作宗旨相一致，普鲁塔克在写作过程中采用了夹叙夹议的笔法，常常从一个事件的叙述中引伸出他的伦理思想。譬如在《梭伦传》中，他叙述完梭伦访问米利都的泰勒斯、并得知泰勒斯不关心娶妻生子的原因是害怕失去亲人的痛苦一事后，发了很长的一段议论：
　　"如果由于害怕失掉就不去获得必需的东西，这既不合理，也不足贵。因为按照这一原则，一个人就会为了害怕失掉的缘故，不可能从占有财富、荣誉、智慧而得到满足。的确，即令像德行这种世界上最宝贵、最可爱的财产，也每每会被疾病和药物所夺。泰勒斯本人虽然没有结婚，也还是不能完全摆脱忧虑，除非他不要朋友、不要亲戚、不要祖国。……当一个人没有受过理性的锻炼，不能忍受命运袭击的时候，使他受到无穷痛苦和恐惧的，并不是仁爱，而是脆弱。这种人即使得到了他所渴求的东西，也不会享到快乐；他会经常满怀忧惧和挣扎，生怕将来失掉。无论如何，我们决不可用贫穷来防止丧失财产，用离群索居来防止失掉朋友，用不育子嗣来防止死掉儿女；应该以理性来对付一切不幸"。
　　像这样的道德说教，几乎在每一篇传记中都可看到。
　　▲这种写作态度，使得普鲁塔克不能够完全遵守作为一个历史学家所必须具备的严谨作风，以致于影响了他在史学上的地位。
　　在他看来，是否准确地反映了历史真相、历史年代是否准确无误等等都是次要的。他的目的只是通过记述传主的一些生平事迹，收集并列举一些能够成为后世楷模的品德和人格的实例而已。
　　正是在这种原则的指导下，他在《梭伦传》中再一次绘声绘色地记述了梭伦与克洛苏斯的那场对话。尽管他事先清楚地知道这件事情是不真实的，但是就因为这场对话很有教育意义，所以他舍不得放弃。同时他还为自己写了一段辩护词："有人企图根据年代记来证明它是虚构的。但是既然一个故事这样著名、这样确凿有据、尤其是这样与梭伦的品格相符、这样和他的雅量与智慧相称，我就不能因遵守任何年代记的条规而主张将它否认"。由此便产生了他在选择史料时的片面性，产生了他那喜欢描写人物心理细节和奇谈逸事的写作倾向，也导致了他的历史方法的非批判性。
　　然而，我们应该充分肯定地看到：普鲁塔克的传记作品绝大多数是有事实根据的，甚至还由此而保留了许多原著已经丧失的希腊古诗和戏剧作品的内容，再加上他在引用这些古代作品时往往都标出它们的来源，因而他的《传记集》仍不失为一部研究古希腊和古罗马历史时必不可少的要籍。又由于传主们都是那个时代的风云人物，因而我们可以通过他们看到那个时代的缩影。后人关于古代希腊、罗马历史上伟大人物的印象，大多来源于这部传记作品。
　　▲从文学的角度来看，普鲁塔克堪称是一位刻画、描写人物的高手。
　　他善于从传主的生平经历及诸多事件中，提炼出一、二件能够反映其性格特征的小事、作点睛之笔，从而使得人物的形象更加丰满、性格更加鲜明。同时他还善于运用对比的手法来描绘人物的外貌和性情，因而能给读者留下更加深刻的印象。
　　普鲁塔克的这种优美生动的文笔，有助于《传记集》的传诵，对后世产生了巨大的影响；他所宣扬的伦理观念，对后来文艺复兴时期人文主义思潮的兴起，也起了极大的启迪作用。
　　尤其值得一提的是，普鲁塔克的《传记集》完善了自色诺芬草创以来的传记体史书的体例，最终确立了西方史学中传记体史书的地位，对西方史学的发展作出了不可磨灭贡献。

PLUTO
1. A daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, and one of the playmates of Persephone.
2. A daughter of Cronos or Himantes, became by Zeus or Tmolus, the mother of Tantalus.

普路托，海洋女仙。该女仙并没有具体事迹。由于名字和冥王的名字普路同(plutone)是同一词源，意云富，经常被人误会是冥王。宙斯和女仙普路托生下的儿子非常有名，就是坦塔罗斯。
punaluan
a. pertaining to primitive group marriage of a number of brothers to a number of sisters. 旧译普那路亚婚、群婚，又译伙婚。

Rio Negro (Portuguese: Rio Negro, Spanish: Río Negro, English: Black River) is the largest left tributary of the Amazon and the largest blackwater river in the world. It has its sources along the watershed between the Orinoco and the Amazon basins, and also connects with the Orinoco by way of the Casiquiare canal. In Colombia, where the sources are located, it is called the Guainía River. Its main affluent is the Vaupés, which disputes with the headwaters of the Guaviare branch of the Orinoco, the drainage of the eastern slope of the Andes of Colombia. The Rio Negro flows into the Rio Solimões to form the Amazon River below Manaus, Brazil.
Rio Negro is navigable for 450 miles (720 km) above its mouth for 4 feet (1 m) of water in the dry season, but it has many sandbanks and minor difficulties.
In the wet season, it floods the country far and wide, sometimes to a breadth of 20 miles (32 km), for long distances, and for 400 miles (640 km) up. During this time, from April until October, it is a succession of lagoons, full of long islands and intricate channels as far as Santa Isabel do Rio Negro. The foothills of the Andes begin just before reaching the Vaupés River. At this point, the Negro narrows and is filled with many large rocks over which it violently flows in cataracts, rapids and whirlpools. Despite the impediments, canoes and motor launches ascend past São Gabriel da Cachoeira to the Andes.
The mouth of the Rio Negro at the "Meeting of Waters": the dark Rio Negro meeting the silty Amazon River.
While the name Rio Negro means Black River, its waters aren't exactly black; they are similar in color to strong tea. The dark color comes from humic acid from incomplete breakdown of phenol-containing vegetation from sandy clearings. The river's name arises from the fact that it looks black from afar.
Much has been written on the productivity of the Rio Negro and other blackwater rivers. The older idea that these are "hunger rivers" is giving way, with new research, to the recognition that the Rio Negro, for example, supports a large fishing industry and has numerous turtle beaches. If the Negro was empty of Indians during the 17th century, introduced exotic diseases and warfare are more likely causes than low river productivity.
Sabine
萨宾人(古代意大利中部一民族,公元前3世纪被罗马征服), 萨宾语(古意大利中部一民族,公元前3世纪被罗马征服)
singular solution
一种数学解,它不含任意常数也不是特解。
http://journal.xznu.edu.cn/jksearch/qkqw/2004418.pdf
http://221.232.154.148/courese/web/2007/4.ppt#260,5,§4.1  一阶隐式微分方程
http://221.232.154.148/courese/web/content1/kechengjiangyi/26.htm
http://lxy.hutc.zj.cn/baomi/special/cwffc/upfiles/2005526102817704.doc
http://lxy.hutc.zj.cn/baomi/special/cwffc/upfiles/2005526102233927.ppt#294,26,幻灯片 26
theogony
Tu·ra·ni·an
Pronunciation (t-rn-n, -rä-, ty-)
adj.
Of or relating to the Ural-Altaic languages or to the peoples who speak them.
n.
1. See Ural-Altaic.
2. A member of any of the peoples who speak languages of the Ural-Altaic group.

Tu`ra´ni`ans
n. pl.1.  (Ethnol.) An extensive division of mankind including the Mongols and allied races of Asia, together with the Malays and Polynesians.

Toorkomans：Turkistan is that part of South Tartary, north-east of the Caspian sea,
and has been celebrated from very early times, for producing a pure and
valuable breed of horses. They are called Toorkomans.

 Tyndarus the king: king of Sparta, legendary descendant of Zeus and son of Œbalus, husband of Leda, and father or stepfather of Castor, Pollux, Helen (later Helen of Troy) and Clytemnestra. Hercules had restored him to his throne on the condition that he bequeath it to his descendants, the Heraclidae.

universitas
在中世紀，人們把沿著同一方向朝同一目標共同行動的一群人稱為universitas。同宇宙都源自希臘語的κoσμoζ，古希臘人認為宇宙的創生乃是從渾沌中產生出秩序來，κoσμoζ其原意就是秩序。

表亲婚禁忌
“骨血不倒流”是民间针对单向舅表婚的一种禁忌习俗。舅表婚又称中表婚，中表即内外，舅子为中、为内，姑子为表、为外，俗以为姑母和父亲的血脉相同，娶姑家的姑娘为媳妇便是“回头婚”。因此，“骨血不倒流”的说法是反对姑家的女儿嫁给舅家的儿子的。汉、满族都有此忌讳。南方还有“骨肉还乡，家败人亡”的俗语流传。云南一些壮族城区也有此禁忌。达斡尔族、拉祜族、景颇族等忌之尤甚。景颇族有“丈人种”和“姑爷种”的婚姻习俗，这是依父亲亲属观念来表达一种姻亲关系，和汉、满族的“姑母做婆”相一致。其含义是：姑母的儿子有权而且必须娶舅父的女儿为妻，或者说，侄女一旦坠地就注定要当姑家的儿媳，而舅父的儿子却绝不容许娶姑家的女儿为妻。把这个意思扩大，即为：凡姑爷种姓氏的任何一男子必须娶丈人种姓氏的任何（同辈的）女子，而丈人种姓氏的男子却不准倒娶姑爷种姓氏的女子。景颇族人普遍恪守这一婚姻禁忌习俗。如果舅家有女儿，外甥在求偶时违背惯习要向别姓氏的丈人种求亲，必须事先向舅家送礼，征得舅家的同意方可。舅家同意了，还要向表姊妹道歉，为之“洗脸”。如果舅家无女儿或女儿的年龄和外甥不相当，外甥不得已另找丈人种时，也必须征得舅父的同意，否则，亲戚关系就会被破坏，这是很受忌讳的。丈人种与姑爷种的姻亲关系因故中断，想再恢复时，姑爷种一方可向丈人种一方送礼认亲。如对方同意，则以酒食相待，并回送一支火药枪和一对手镯。这样双方就算恢复了姻亲关系。虽然这种单向的舅表婚是禁止“骨血倒流”的，有其合理的一面，但其另一方面，即“丈人种”、“姑爷种”婚姻习俗，也是属于近亲结婚的，其对子孙的繁衍和人类的发展的危害也是很大的，因此，婚姻法中对此也是禁止的。
中国民间许多地区，曾经热衷于表亲婚，并称之为“亲上加亲”，认为是喜中之喜。后来，新的婚姻法有了近亲不得结婚的规定，才逐渐改变了这种习俗。过去，土家族、布依族、傈僳族、瑶族、壮族等都有姑表亲（又称姑舅表亲）的习俗。姑家的女儿必须嫁给舅家的儿子，舅家有优先娶外甥女的权利。土家族的俗语说：“姑妈女，顺手娶；舅舅要，隔河叫。”布依族若姑之女不同意，女家要向舅家交纳“舅爷钱”。某些壮族区流传着“除了青岗无好柴，除了郎舅无好亲”的说法。广西天峨县白定乡壮族称这种姑舅表婚为“借姑过表”。即把舅家娶姑家女儿为媳作为当年姑出嫁的一种赔偿。即使舅表是有残疾的，或者年龄过小或过大也无可更改，否则便用强硬手段逼迫成婚。只有舅家不愿意娶甥女时，甥女才可嫁于别人。瑶族在舅父无子，姑之女嫁于他人时，其聘礼出舅父领取。可见表亲婚的规约习俗是带有某种民法性质的，违反了其中的习俗规约即是犯禁行为，势必受到谴责和惩罚。另外，景颇族、侗族和彝族等还恪守姨表不通婚的习俗。其规矩也是很严厉的，族民一律不得违反。彝族人就认为，姨表兄妹等于亲兄妹，严禁通婚，违者处死。这种姨表不通婚虽说符合近亲不婚的原则，但它往往又是以姑表通婚、舅表通婚等近亲通婚为习俗的另一面的。而从优生学的角度来讲，凡是近亲结婚都是不好的，所以一切表亲婚姻都应彻底地革除。只有这样，才是有利于民族和人类的健康发展的。

平行从表婚
　婚姻习俗的一种。这种婚俗在某些地区是通例，而在另一些地区则是禁例。平行从表指同性的同胞的子女，即兄弟的子女以及姊妹的子女。按照父系的观念，两兄弟的子女为从兄弟姊妹，两姊妹的子女为姨表兄弟姊妹。姨表兄弟姊妹之间不通婚，其原因可追溯到母系社会的氏族外婚制。在群婚时期,姊妹的子女都是兄弟姊妹,属于同一氏族,因而在禁婚之列。在近现代,世界上有不少原始部落禁止姊妹的子女间通婚。中国的景颇、苗、彝、侗等民族，姨表不婚，是和姑舅表优婚配（见交错从表婚）同时并行的。而在维吾尔、乌孜别克、塔吉克等族和部分汉族中，姨表兄弟姊妹结婚却是通例。多数民族从兄弟姊妹不通婚，因为在父系社会里，他们是近亲。但也有例外,怒、维吾尔、乌孜别克、塔吉克等民族,从兄弟姊妹也可以通婚。在国外，阿拉伯人也盛行从兄弟姊妹通婚。 古代埃及、秘鲁、 日本皇室自视门第高贵，不与其他贵族通婚，只在近亲内寻求配偶，从兄弟姊妹也在通婚范围内。